THE STATUS OF MICRONESIAN MIGRANTS

IN THE EARLY 21^st CENTURY

A Second Study of the Impact of the Compacts of Free Association

based on Censuses of Micronesian Migrants to Hawaii, Guam and the

Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands

CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

Since ancient times, the ancestors of today’s Micronesians have emigrated from Southeast Asia in search of food and a new life. Toward the end of the 19^th century some Carolinians settled in the Marianas. During the first half of this century, Chamorros settled in Yap, Palau, and Pohnpei; Chamorros of Guam traveled and settled in the US; Palauans moved to Guam and the Northern Mariana Islands and Yap. Toward the end of this century, FSM migration began in earnest to Guam and the Northern Marianas mainly, and the Marshallese established communities in the US and Hawaii. Palauans also traveled extensively, perhaps more than any other group. (Rechebei 1999)

The United States has always received waves of migrants. What became called the American Indians migrated many millennia ago. And in the last 400 years or so, successive waves of migrants came, first from parts of Europe, and simultaneously, forced movements of Africans. Asians came, and Latin Americans. And, finally, in recent years, Pacific Islanders.

Initially, families arrived for religious reasons, because of poverty, bad crops, or overpopulation (Tichenor 2002). But, over time, traditional migration to the United States has followed a somewhat standard pattern – usually young, unattached males and females, then other family members, then other relatives, and unrelated people (Bean and Stevens 2003). The most recent and continuing and influential migration is that of the Mexicans (Massey et al 2002). It is important to note that while Massey et al support a fairly positive few of the immigration flows, Borjas (1999) and others have opposing views. Micronesians tend to show the strengths and weaknesses of the various views in miniature. The numbers of Micronesians are very small compared to the Mexicans, but many of the variables can be stripped away, in a way, to allow for study of relationships among the variables.

In some ways, Pacific Islander immigration to the United States is like Mexican migration, in many other ways this Pacific Islander migration stream is not. Until the Mexican and Central American and certain Caribbean migration, the intent of most migration was permanent relocation, with migrants arriving in the United States to stay. But as Massey et al point out at length, while some migration to the U.S. from Mexico was meant to be permanent from the beginning, much other migration differs. Currently this migration begins as circular mobility, but eventually ends permanent moves, whether officially legal or unauthorized.

Most Pacific Islander immigrants regard at least their initial migration as temporary. Not all Pacific Islanders are migrants. Hawaiians, the largest Pacific Islander group, arrived from Tahiti probably around the end of the first millennium. Other Pacific Islanders, however, are much more recent migrants. And, migration is the “major regulator of demographic change in many of the small Pacific nations” (Connell 1984). As noted, migration often started out as circular mobility, sometimes for single seasons (where seasonality exists) or other short durations (Chapman and Prothero 1983).

In the early years of the Pacific emigration, the receiving countries were New Zealand and Australia (Hayes 1985). A fairly large literature now exists that looks at these Australia and New Zealand Pacific Islander migrants (while a very small literature looks at Pacific Islander migration to the United States. These studies include general Pacific Islander migration (Connell 1980 – who also did a series of spectacular migration volumes for the South Pacific Commission in the 1980s and which are now unavailable), Cook Islanders (Curson 1979, Loomis 1990), Samoans (MacPherson 1985, 1994, Shankman 1976), Tongans (Faeamani 1995, James 1991, 1997, Vete 1995), Fijians (Stanwix and Connell 1995), and Tuvaluans (1990).

The United States is now the primary destination for Pacific Islander migrants. The migration is almost only measured by Decennial censuses. However, in recent years the Office of Insular Affairs (OIA), Department of the Interior, has had a Statistical Enhancement Program to assist the U.S. Insular Areas – Guam, American Samoa, the Virgin Islands, the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands, Palau, the Marshall Islands and the Federated States of Micronesia. Two distinct census operations existed before the OIA involvement in determining Micronesian migrant counts and characteristics – and both were conducted by the U.S. Census Bureau. Starting about 1980, the Census Bureau collected and compiled detailed, cross-tabulated data on ethnicity and birthplace characteristics in American Samoa, Guam, and the Northern Mariana Islands; similar data were collected in the 1990 and 2000 Censuses. But, until the 1980 Census, counts of all Pacific Islander groups, except Hawaiians, were simply estimations based on limited, poor quality migration statistics, some community-level studies, and assessments of various community leaders. The 1980 Census was the first U.S. Census Bureau operation to provide information on Pacific Islander immigrants using specific categories. The census was also the first to describe the demographic and socio-economic characteristics of these groups.

As for the specific groups, Samoans come from two places – the independent country of Samoa (and since they are foreign, they need visas to enter) and American Samoa (whose born residents are Nationals and can enter the U.S. freely). Tongans, like those from independent Samoa must have visas.

Guam and the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands (CNMI) both receive and send migrants, and will be major focuses in this paper. Migration from Guam to the United States is similar to that of American Samoa except that Guam born are citizens. Guam became a U.S. territory after the Spanish American War in 1898. In 1950, the Organic Act of Guam gave the United States citizenship to Guam’s people. As will be covered in more detail later, the CNMI was linked with the Caroline and Marshall Islands, under a series of colonial administrations, starting with Spain, through Germany and Japan, and finally the United States as part of the strategic Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands (TTPI). In 1986, the TTPI started splitting up, CNMI becoming a Commonwealth, like Puerto Rico. People born in the CNMI are now citizens. People born on Guam and the CNMI have unrestricted access to the United States, and travel to the United States either for relatively high paying jobs or to enlist in the armed forces.

Because this paper covers migration to Guam and the CNMI, territories of the United States, that migration is also noted. Guam and CNMI serve as both sending entries to the United States, but also as end destinations. They are also are way stations for increasing numbers of Micronesians going on to Hawaii and the U.S. mainland. Micronesian migration often goes in stages, particularly for those who start on the Outer Islands of Yap, Pohnpei, Chuuk, and the Marshalls. Some of this onset migration has been studied by Alkire (1993), Marshall (1975), and Levin (1982) among others. Many islanders move from the outer islands or outer atolls or outer reaches of the main islands (like Pohnpei) or the Chuuk lagoon into what used to be called the District Centers and are now called the capitals. They then make their next moves to Guam, CNMI, Hawaii, or the U.S. mainland. As the atolls depopulate, of course, this step-wise progression will become de-emphasized.

By the 1980s, the U.S. was the preferred destination for migrating Pacific Islanders (Greenwood and Stuart 1986). Micronesian migrants to the United States as a group have been little studied. In this, the Micronesians share the fact that almost no one has studied any Pacific Islander migrant groups in the United States. Ahlburg (2000) and Barringer, Gardner and Levin (1992), Levin (1984), and Small (2007) have described general Pacific Islander migration. Ablon (1970, 1971), Franco (1985), Kotchek (1977), Lewthweite et al (1973), Rolfe (1978), and the Samoan project headed by Paul Baker, including Harbison (1986) and Janes (1990), have studied Samoans, particularly in the 1970s and 1980s. Shu and Satele (1977) made a particularly important study of Samoan migrants in the early 1970s. Chapman (1972) and Small (1997) did similar studies of Tongans. But even Chamorros have been little studied (e.g., Shimizu 1982, Munoz 1979).

That Pacific Islander ties with their sending countries are firm and continuing is in little doubt, and, as will be shown later, Micronesians provide considerable remittances. This tradition, though, is not yet strong. But they tend to follow the Polynesian and Fijian migrants in this, however. And, as Small (2007:536) notes, “Ethnographic and economic evidence form all three cultures [Fiji, Samoa, and Tonga] indicate that migrants send money and goods to relatives back home at very high rates – high enough that many Pacific Islands economies stay afloat because of the remittances.”

As noted, ethnographic surveys, with very small samples, include Viterelli (1981) and Thompson (1981) for Hawaii. On Guam, Workman et al (1981) collected data from a fairly large survey of Micronesian students about 1980, and subsequent studies have included Rubenstein (1990, 1991, 1993), Rubenstein and Levin (1994), Shewman (1985), Quan-Bautista (1996), and Kyle Smith and his group (Coulter 1993, Smith 1994, Turk Smith 1993) for Guam. Smith and his colleague’s work is particularly important because it looks at the migrant populations, the reactions of administrators in the sending populations, and the reactions of Guam’s residents to the migration. Schwalberg (1984) took at early look at Micronesian migration to both Guam and Hawaii. Pinhey (1997) looked at alcohol use among several ethnic groups on Guam, including Micronesians.

Even during Japanese times, censuses of the areas that became Palau, FSM, and RMI were taken, so very long term trends can be traced. The Japanese took fully reported censuses in 1920, 1925, 1930, and 1935, and possibly one in 1940, the data from that one probably not having survived because of World War II. Although the United States provided island counts annually from the late 1940s into the 1970s to the United Nations through the U.S. State Department, the only actual census enumerations took place in 1958 and 1973 under the auspices of the High Commissioner (the highest government official). In 1970, the United States collected the Decennial Census, which was deficient, with whole enumerated areas not returned for processing. Alan Kay (1974) summarized the results of the 1973 TTPI Census with projections for population growth at that time. Palau had a full census, with an important subsistence skills element, in 1979 and 1980 (1985).

The 1980 round of Censuses for Guam and CNMI provided new data on people born in the Freely Associated States, but, except for Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands employees, few people from these islands were present in either place. The Micronesians were consider “foreign” and could only come as students. Some came and left. Some came and stayed, and were counted in the Census. Many were certainly missed because of their status, and where they tended to live. By 1990, the decennial collected more detailed information on the migrants; data from that census are included in here. Hawaii, as part of the United States decennial operations, used mail-out mail-back and other procedures throughout the operations that made ascertaining the number and characteristics impossible, in both 1980 and 1990. By 2000, however, data appeared for each of the sending countries, and by race for States, so that data from that census are included here (Chapter 16). And, the 2000 Census of CNMI and Guam also provided useful data that assist in showing trends, and appear here as well.

The first legal document enumerating migration requirements for the Freely Associated States citizens was the Compact of Free Association between the United States and the Federated States of Micronesia (FSM) and the Republic of the Marshall Islands (RMI) began in late 1986 and with the Republic of Palau (ROP) in late 1994. These three countries together make up the Freely Associated States (FAS). In late 1986, the United States and the Federated States of Micronesia implemented a Compact of Free Association described the roles of each country over a 15 year period. The United States and the Republic of the Marshall Islands concluded their negotiations and implemented a similar Compact a short time later. Formal reporting requirements appeared as parts of each Compact, but surveys of the migrants were not required as part of the reporting requirements.

As noted earlier, historically these island groups were sovereign entities until they came under the control of Spain from the 1500s to 1898, Germany from 1899 to 1914, Japan from 1914 to 1945 and finally under an American Administration from about 1945 until implementation of the compacts of free association. After World War II — and because of Japan’s successful bombing of Pearl Harbor from the Marshall Islands — the United States created and administered for the United Nations, the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands (TTPI) as a ‘strategic’ trust territory. This trusteeship lasted from 1947 until 1986. The TTPI consisted of what became the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands, the Republic of Palau, the Federated States of Micronesia, and the Republic of the Marshall Islands.

The three countries studied here include:

Marshall Islands. The Republic of the Marshall Islands consists of two parallel chains of islands and has about 50,000 persons. The Marshall Islands implemented its Compact at the same time as the FSM, but the pace of out-migration from the RMI was initially slower than that from the FSM. Almost all of the Marshall Islands migration, in fact, has been to Hawaii and the U.S. mainland and not to Guam and the CNMI. One of the reasons for this flow is that transportation is better and easier to Hawaii than to Guam. Another reason is almost certainly economics. Based on the 1990 Census, at least 350 Marshallese were living in Hawaii while only 88 were living on Guam and 103 in the CNMI. The 1992 Office of Insular Affairs Survey of Micronesian migrants to Guam recorded 150 Marshallese. The 1993 Survey of Micronesian migrants to CNMI recorded 177 Marshallese, while the 1995 Census of the CNMI reported 130 individuals born in the Marshall Islands. Thus, Marshall Islands emigration to Guam and the CNMI is relatively small (unfortunately, differences in reporting preclude stating that the 1995 data show a reverse trend). Most of the Marshall Islands migration was to Hawaii with about 2,500 present there in 1997. By 2003, the new surveys recorded 2,901 Marshalls “impact” migrants – those arriving from the Marshalls after 1986 or the children of migrants. The 2000 U.S. Census reported 6,320 Marshalls born people in Hawaii and the U.S. mainland, and 6,650 Marshallese by race. These figures will be discussed more in the sections that follow.

Palau. Palau is located southwest of Guam and has a population of about 20,000, with approximately 1/3rd foreign-born. Unlike the Marshall Islands, significant numbers of Palauans have out-migrated to Guam, CNMI and Hawaii. Both Guam and CNMI have attracted Palauan migrants since the 1950s, during the earlier Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands (TTPI) administration. Many Palauans came to Guam to study at the University of Guam, some enlisted in the U.S. Armed Forces (one was killed in Vietnam during the war) and returned to Guam to live and work, and others have simply migrated to work, even when doing so was illegal. Many Palauans went to Saipan to work in the TTPI government, and many of these stayed in Saipan after formation of the Commonwealth in 1986. Many Palauans now hold responsible positions in the CNMI government. The 1990 Census recorded 1,233 Palau-born on Guam and 1,407 in the CNMI. In 1995, the CNMI Census recorded 1,594 Palau-born, while the concurrent survey of Palauans on Guam reported 1,089; however, the latter figure is likely an undercount. Of the three Freely Associated States groups, Palauans have had the longest history of residence in Hawaii and Guam. The 2003 surveys reported 2,283 Impact migrants in the three areas. The 2000 US Census reported 2,100 Palau born and 3,469 Palauans by race. Again, these data will be discussed in more detail in the following sections.

Federated States of Micronesia. Four states — Chuuk, Kosrae, Pohnpei, and Yap — constitute the Federated States of Micronesia. Kosrae is composed of a main island, a smaller island (Lelu), and a number of even smaller islands. Pohnpei and Yap both have main islands and inhabited and uninhabited atolls, creating easy geographic differentiation. Chuuk, because it is the most populated state, and because of its history, is divided into five geographic regions Northern and Southern Namoneas, Faichuuk, Mortlock Islands to the south, and Oksoritod to the north and west. Oksoritod itself is made up of the Western Islands (Pulusuk, Puluwat, Pulap, and Tamatam), Namonuito, and the Hall Islands. In 2003, FSM migrant population in Guam, CNMI, and Hawaii increased. The 2003 survey recorded a total of 9,098 migrants in Guam, 5,091 Hawaii and 3,097 CNMI. Historical census and survey data for the FSM appear in Chapter 13. The 2003 surveys reported 15,514 FSM impact migrants. The 2000 U.S. Census reported 11,888 FSM by race and 7,090 FSM born.

To summarize for all areas, no formal surveys were taken in the early years, just after the FSM and RMI compacts went into effect. Hezel and McGrath (1989) took an early survey, in the late 1980s, of the FSM migrants to Guam. The first surveys collected, processed, and analyzed using Census Bureau conventions took place in 1992 on Guam, and in 1993 in the CNMI; the Guam survey was collected through the Micronesian Research Center on the University of Guam campus, and the 1993 CNMI survey was collected through the newly developed Central Statistics Division (CSD) as part of the CNMI Department of Commerce. These were followed by surveys of migrants in 1997 on Guam (Guam Department of Labor), 1997 in Hawaii (Pacific Basin Development Council – PBDC), 1998 in CNMI (CSD), and Hawaii in 1999 (PBDC). The University of Guam’s Micronesian Language Institute also collected a 1995 survey of Palauans on Guam that was processed by the Bureau of Planning.

Administrative records have been collected to include Micronesians in all three receiving areas for since the 1950s, in some cases. University of Guam, Department of Public Health and Social Service, Department of Education,

MICRONESIAN MIGRATION

Micronesian immigration is partially an unintended manifestation of traditional movements – a kind of wanderlust – part of the transition to adulthood, and much of the early Pacific Islander migration was of this type. The ‘trip’ has been important in many Pacific Islands societies for generations. Historically, young voyagers left in canoes or other boats or ships to explore and settle distant islands. Historically, groups of people “moved readily between islands and valleys in search of new land, disease-free sites, wives, trading goods, etc” (Connell 1984:12).

Frequently in the past, young men (at least in Micronesia) would hail a passing fishing boat to request to sail away from the island for several months or years. They got experience and maturity (and stories to last a lifetime, many of them true). They then returned to the island to marry, have children, and settle down (Leinwald 1977:85, Levin 1976:187). This pattern continues, but transformed by newer forms of travel. For example, “just as their great-grandfathers signed aboard trading and whaling vessels a century ago to ‘see the world’, so Namoluk young persons today (especially young men) set off to ‘see the world’ on a Boeing 727” (Marshall 1979:7; Hezel 1978:26). Of course, now the planes have been upgraded, too.

In the early years of the American Administration, the Navy controlled the administration of the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands, and very few people – Micronesian or anyone else – went in or out. The Department of the Interior took over administration in 1951, and that Administration continued until the Compacts of Free Association went into effect. Very few people traveled during the 1950s and 1960s. By 1970, however, many of the Districts in the TTPI built high schools, and students began to graduate. Peace Corps workers poured into Micronesia, to a point where penetration was among the densest in the world. Although the U.S. funding build-up did not start for a few more years, a few students began to go to what was then the College of Guam, and a few others were to the University of Hawaii and Chaminade College in Honolulu. And, few students also went to mainland colleges, but most of those were in places where Peace Corps sent them, or brought them.

During the 1970s and 1980s, most Micronesian migration was for education. The United States government actually encouraged this kind of travel with universal education as the goal through high school and then an expectation of going right on to college. During this period many Micronesian students left their islands to come to the United States for schooling, using what was called the Basic Education Opportunity Grant (or Pell Grant, named after the Senator who sponsored the legislation). The BEOG paid about $2,000 over the school year based on parental income, and at that time, seemed like a princely sum for many students, and especially to their parents. Since many Micronesian families had very low incomes from copra (coconut) collecting, most of the students received the full grants. Although $2,000 did not cover all expenses for a year at school, students could usually scrape together airfare to the United States to claim the grant. Costs of books, food, and housing only caused financial problems later when the presumptive students settled in at their schools.

And many Micronesians had real cultural problems adjusting to this brave new world:

When Micronesians of today leave their islands for higher education abroad they also leave behind this sense of place and belonging and enter a social context that not only fails to give definition, but also encourages the expression of one’s own needs and desires, one’s individual … In the social context of the islands control is clear, enforced, and external; in the new context control is unclear, sporadic, and expected to be much more internal than external. The result, no infrequently, is a sense of lost security and realization that a strange, if not confusing world must be confronted (Workman et al 1981:5)

Although almost all intended to finish and return to the islands after graduation, many were not prepared for the colleges and universities they were attending, and so dropped out. Many were either too ashamed to return without their degrees, or got jobs, got married, and settled in for the long term. Small communities, usually in semi-rural areas around junior colleges, developed as bases for various groups of Micronesian migrants.

In the early years of the great education explosion, researchers already began to worry about a brain drain (Balledorf 1977, Hezel and Levin 1989), even before the time when the job crunch came. In the early years of the education migrations, all returning graduates and many less-than-graduates were absorbed into a greatly expanding labor force.

In the years before the Compacts took effect, that is, in the late 1970s and early 1980s, the U.S. was pouring so much money into Micronesia, that most workers could get jobs in the public sector. (The private sector was anemic in the early years, anemic in the middle years, and remains anemic today.) The movement from a basically subsistence economy to a more wage-oriented economy helped to pay for the students’ expenses and other worldly goods, also resulted in the first massive migration movements.

As noted above, many individuals and whole families moved from what were called outer islands and outer areas of main islands into the urbanizing centers where the government offices were and where a supportive private sector, mostly mom-and-pop stores, were located. Much of the migration was for education, as well as for jobs, since most of the districts in Micronesia only had junior high schools and high schools in the centers, so students moved to take classes. These movements started the out-migration and emigration that continues today.

The migration from the outer areas into the centers also had one other effect: as people moved, they grew less and less of their own food. One other aspect of the migration was the move from collecting and processing dried copra for export to growing no food products for export; periodically a fishing industry pops up and then declines, but none of the areas export very much. However, they do import manufactured products, both food and non-food items.

In the late 1980s, as noted, the Compacts of Free Association were implemented in FSM and the Marshall Islands, and United States funding remained relatively strong. Students continued to stream out to Hawaii and the mainland for schooling, even though the BEOG paid much less of their way than before. Many began to have problems finding sufficient funding to cover their education expenses because the scholarship pie began to get sliced thinner and thinner; parents and students alike were convinced that education was the way – and the only way – to a good government job. And so they left Micronesia in large numbers.

After the first 5 years, in 1991, the first “step-down” in Compact funding occurred, and while the amount of funding from the U.S. Compact funding decreased, funds to support public officials remained reasonably plentiful because of various soft-money U.S. Federal programs. Migration picked up because some people were laid off from jobs, although not very many, but many more were graduating from the high schools and returning from colleges to find few jobs available. However, in 1996, when the second step-down occurred, that is for what was to be years 11 through 15 in the FSM and RMI Compact periods, “all hell broke loose”. People were laid off, and what was a trickle of migrants became a veritable flood.

Not everyone who returned to Micronesia was jobless. For example, Randall Akee (2005) used the 1994 FSM Census and the 1997 Surveys of Micronesian migrants to Hawaii and Guam to look at self-selection among the migrants – what caused them to leave Micronesia, and in many cases, why some of them came back. He found that highly skilled workers left because of differential wage structures within their occupation group. But many others could not return and had to look elsewhere – on Guam, in the CNMI, in Hawaii, or on the U.S. Mainland.

However, in the general the outlook for economic development – in Micronesia as well as elsewhere in most of the small islands – continues to be very dismal. Palau may be an exception because of its small population, reasonable amount of land, environmental diversity, and access to tourism. The other two areas may continue to be “basket cases”, following along the lines of the Pacific Paradox, with the need for very large influxes of funding, and very little development (Friberg et al 2006, Bertram 1993, Lodewijks 1997). Friberg et al (2006:124) note that “In 1998, US funding accounted for 54 and 68% of FSM and RMI total government revenues, respectively, according to our analysis (GAO 2000b). This assistance has maintained standards of living that are artificially higher than what could be achieved in the absence of US support.”

These fairly large amounts of U.S. funding are still decreases from the levels of the late 1980s and 1990s. While more than $2 billion was put into the economies of the two areas by the United States, very little development has occurred, and the outflow of people is large and likely only to diminish when the supply of possible migrants is used up. As Grieco (2003) notes, under the reduced funding, some areas are seeing reverse migration, that is, families and individuals returning to their home islands. However, the outflow to Guam, and particularly the U.S. mainland, is much greater. “Given the limited development potential of the FSM, emigration at relatively high levels will likely continue into the foreseeable. Continued loss of many of its most productive citizens to overseas destinations may prove to be the greatest development challenge for the FSM” (Grieco 2003). Grieco studied the emigrants from Micronesia to Guam and Hawaii, based on the 1997 surveys, and has written extensively about remittance behavior; as she notes, remittances will not be the saving grace for the Micronesian economy.

And, as this study will show, the migrants have many education, social, and economic problems in their new environments. Small (2007:538) noted, for example, that “David Dixon argues that economic indicators by age group suggest that PIs have decidedly less upward mobility than Americans at large do.”

And, while the pull of CNMI, Guam and Hawaii is very strong, many migrants, when they do move cannot escape family obligations. Like the Samoans, with the matai system that magically reforms among immigrant groups when they land in the United States or one of its territories, the Micronesians tend to follow in these footsteps, seeking their own matai that binds. As Hezel and Samuel (2006) note in their recent travelogue, island groups tend to form and re-form soon after arrival in Guam, CNMI, Hawaii, or the mainland.

…And “culture” as many PI youth are quick to see, has its costs as well as its benefits. Fulfilling obligations to extended kin for numerous life-cycle events, which are sometimes more opulent than those on the home island, may be onerous, requiring significant cash outlays, travel costs, and missed work time. These events, coupled with church or temple donations and remitted cash and goods sent home by the “rich” Americans to their island villages and relatives, require a huge investment of time and resources that places a constant demand on PI families. It can be a particular drain for wealthier families, who may bear the brunt of family requests, and for poorer families, whose contributions take away from already meager resources (Small 2007:539).

The next sections will cover various aspects of the Micronesian migration, mostly based on the 2003 Surveys of Guam, CNMI, and Hawaii. Chapter 2 covers the methodology used for the 3 surveys, and Chapter 3 defines impact migrants, based on the Office of Insular Affairs criteria. Chapters 4 through 6 provide population trends for Micronesian migrants in Guam, CNMI, and Hawaii, respectively. Chapters 7 through 9 provide housing trends for the migrants to Guam, CNMI, and Hawaii, respectively. Chapter 10 covers health issues. Chapter 11 discusses regular and daily expenditures and Chapter 12 looks at the relationship between income and expenditures. Chapter 13 looks specifically at changes in the Micronesians in the Federated States of Micronesia and migrants from that area, and Chapter 14 looks at similar data for Palau. Chapter 15 provides some rough estimates and projections, and Chapter 16 looks at the 2000 United States Census results and Chapter 17 is a short conclusion. Appendices provide information on the snowball method and on the legal terminology in the Compacts themselves.

CHAPTER 2

METHODOLOGY

The latest survey^{^[1]} round took place simultaneously in all three areas during the summer of 2003. Benjamin Graham, then coordinator of the Office of Insular Affairs (OIA), Department of the Interior’s Statistical Enhancement Program (SEP)[2], provided direction for general development of the questionnaires, forms, manuals and general procedures, using U.S. Census Bureau standards and conventions. Coordinating agencies in the Insular Areas were Guam’s Department of Labor (although the actual enumeration took place out of the University of Guam’s Extension Service), CNMI’s Central Statistics Division, and Hawaii’s Pacific Basin Development Council (PBDC). Enumerators were selected by application and test – and, except in CNMI, all were Micronesian – and all office workers were Micronesians.

Michael Levin trained all first-round enumerators, although replacement enumerators were trained by office staff in the respective areas. Training sessions took place in sequence in Hawaii, CNMI, and Guam, and then, in Hawaii, Levin trained enumerators on the Big Islands (separately in Hilo and Kona) and Maui. Levin did enumeration of Kauai using the same methods. The initial budget for Hawaii was only large enough to cover an enumeration of Oahu. At the request of Congressman Case from Hawaii’s Second District, the neighbor islands were added, but with a very short questionnaire to save time in training, enumeration, and processing. Also, the best methods of obtaining all migrants on the neighbor islands could not be used because of the late start and lack supervision during enumeration. Supervisors did continuous quality control and follow up activities in all areas.

Micronesian office staff in each area received and checked in the questionnaires as they were completed, and then coded and keyed the questionnaires in each of the three central offices. Keying was done using the Census and Survey Processing System (CSPro) developed by the Census Bureau for use on developing countries’ censuses and surveys. On completion of the keying, the questionnaires and keyed data were sent to the International Programs Center (IPC) at the U.S. Census Bureau. There, we used the older processing system (IMPS) to edit and tabulate the data to keep comparability with earlier survey rounds. The last data came in from Guam in early November, 2003, and by the end of December, results were available. OIA used totals of Post-Compact migrants and their children were used to distribute $30 million annually in funds to the three receiving areas, as required by the second Compact of Free Association. A small amount also went to American Samoa. Guam received approximately $15 million, Hawaii about $10 million, and CNMI about $5 million under the initial distribution. The next round of surveys is scheduled for 2008 to follow the 5 year law described in Compact II.

This report focuses on the numbers and demographic, social, economic, housing and expenditure characteristics of Micronesian migrants to Hawaii, Guam, and the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands (CNMI) based on concurrent censuses in these three areas^{^[3]}. As with the previous studies (Levin 1998), the report will not look specifically at the financial impact that the Compact of Free Association has had on any of the receiving areas. This impact can be either positive (e.g., increasing tax revenues) or negative (e.g. increasing demand on public services). But, this report will not assess financial impact — positive, negative or net impact — of Compact implementation.

The 1997 Censuses of Micronesian Migrants to Hawaii and Guam, and 1998 Census of Micronesian Migrants to Saipan were developed to measure both (1) the negative impact of the Micronesian Migrants (as noted in the parts of the Compact shown earlier), and also (2) the positive impact of the migrants in terms of salaries earned, purchases made, and taxes paid. However, at the request of the Office of Insular Affairs, Department of the Interior, we developed the 2003 surveys to measure only negative impact; hence, we collected little housing data and no expenditures data, so we will not update those chapters in this report.

CHAPTER 3

WHO IS A POST-COMPACT MIGRANT

One of the problems in studying the impact of the Compacts of Free Association on Guam, the CNMI, and the State of Hawaii — the receiving areas — is defining who, exactly, is a “Compact migrant”. Many Micronesians^{^[4]} came to these receiving areas before implementation of the Compacts, either on visas or through other arrangements, legal or not. During the early years of the TTPI Administration, very few migrants could afford to emigrate. The first migrants were students, who used a combination of TTPI scholarship and U.S. Federal scholarships and grants (particularly the Pell Grant, when it was implemented) to attend schools, first in Guam and Hawaii, and later on the U.S. mainland.

During the Carter Administration, in the late 1970s, the TTPI experienced a flood of emigrants to the United States and its territories for schooling. The Pell Grant’s $2,000 funding at that time was enough to get the potential student to a school, even if the migrant was more “potential” than “student”. In fact, the many students or ex-students living in the States at the time of the 1980 TTPI Census artificially skewed the data. In the early 1980s, at a time when jobs were still plentiful, many of these migrants returned to the TTPI after having had their adventures (see, for example, Levin 1976, Marshall 1975, 1979), taking over the government jobs that were being vacated throughout the TTPI by expatriate contract workers and Peace Corps volunteers.

Some of these students remained in Guam, Hawaii and the U.S mainland whether they finished their studies or not. They married and started families, got entry-level jobs which eventually led to higher positions, and generally acted like the typical U.S. immigrants. They enrolled their children in schools, rented or bought houses or apartments, and paid taxes. These immigrants were born in the TTPI and migrated before implementation of the Compacts of Free Association; the Office of Insular Affairs considers them “pre-Compact” migrants. As discussed below, it is not clear whether the U.S. Federal Government must act “sympathetically” to whatever impact these individuals have on social and educational services. Further, many of these early migrants now have families, with either Micronesian or non-Micronesian spouses, and it is not clear whether the children of these migrants, many of whom have never been in Micronesia, are to be considered part of the impact of the Compacts of Free Association.

Also, before the Compacts of Free Association implementation, a few Micronesians joined the U.S. military as a means of entry into the United States, sometimes with a wink from the recruiters, sometimes with their collusion. This means of entry to the United States went from a trickle to a minor cascade after Compact implementation. Like the American Samoans before them, the modern military is attractive because of the minor chance of death or injury (at least before the war in Iraq – several islanders have been killed and others injured in that conflict). The military also offers the opportunity to have free room and board and medical attention, to learn a skill, and to earn many times the money that would be available for a similar job in the sending country. Those who become career military can get U.S. citizenship and can retire to the United States. If they initially came before Compact implementation, they are considered “pre-Compact” migrants and, if they came after implementation, they are considered “post-Compact” migrants for this report, by Office of Insular Affairs definition.

3. Pre-Compact migrants are those who migrated to Guam, the CNMI, or Hawaii before implementation of the Compacts of Free Association (before 1987 for persons born in the FSM or the Marshall Islands or before 1995 for persons born in Palau).

4. Other persons are all non-Micronesian persons living in a household with at least one Micronesian migrant. In most cases, these were non-Micronesian spouses and persons related to those spouses. In some cases, particularly in the CNMI, maids or other household workers might also be included.

Clear definitions of these migrant categories are essential in determining the impact of the population on the receiving areas because the number of “Compact” persons depends on how they are classified. Looking at all persons in households with at least one Micronesian migrant, provides greater total “impact populations” and their characteristics would be different than looking only at the migrants themselves. The same is true if we looked only at the post-Compact migrants; we would have a different population with a different impact. This exercise’s purpose is not to state which set of persons is the “true” impact population. The wording of the Compact law is sufficiently obscure that different researchers can select different populations for analysis, depending on the actual criteria selected.

Because of the Office of Insular Affairs, Department of the Interior’s reading of the Compact law, this report will focus on two groups:

1) Pre-Compact migrants, and

2) Post-Compact migrants and all children born to Freely Associated States immigrants not born in Micronesia.

In order to assess the maximum impact that immigration initiated by Compact implementation is having on Guam, the CNMI and Hawaii, all non-migrant children are included in the post-Compact category, regardless of when their parents actually arrived in the receiving areas.

One caveat is that when households had members of more than one Freely Associated States, the household was placed in one or the other group, usually by the enumerator who got to the house first (but finally determined by the Census coordinator). This situation did not happen very often and should not have appreciably affected the results. Hence, in a few cases, when a Chuukese married a Palauan, for example, the individuals would appear in their appropriate country statistics, but the household characteristics would only appear for one or the other.

Table 3.1 shows the almost 25,000 persons collected in the 2003 Censuses of Micronesian Migrants to Guam, Hawaii, and Saipan. As will be discussed later, data were only collected on Saipan in the Northern Mariana Islands because of the small numbers of Micronesian migrants on Rota and Tinian; and, for Hawaii, funding did not permit an enumeration of all characteristics of migrants living on the neighbor islands (all Hawaiian islands except Oahu.)

Table 3.1. Population by Freely Associated State, all Receiving Places: 2003
	Number				Percent
Population	Total	FSM	RMI	Palau	Total	FSM	RMI	Palau
Total	24,607	17,286	3,304	3,768	100.0	100.0	100.0	100.0
Impact population	20,698	15,514	2,901	2,283	84.1	89.7	87.8	60.6
Impact adult	14,992	11,427	2,378	1,187	60.9	66.1	72.0	31.5
Impact child	5,706	4,087	523	1,096	23.2	23.6	15.8	29.1
Other FAS	1,681	873	117	691	6.8	5.1	3.5	18.3
Others	2,228	899	286	794	9.1	5.2	8.7	21.1
Source: Censuses of Micronesian Migrants to Hawaii, Guam and CNMI.

The numbers in Table 3.1 do not sum to the total because 290 persons could not be assigned as FSM, Marshalls or Palau migrants. These persons were living in households containing Micronesian migrants and were either undefined in-laws of the Migrants, or were not related at all (particularly roommates of single, unmarried Micronesians.) They constituted about one percent of the enumerated populations.

In cases where the Freely Associated State population could not be immediately defined because persons from different FAS were living together, either as a married couple, as unmarried partners, or as single unmarried persons of more than one FAS, a computer program used certain criteria for placement within an FAS group. If the householder was born in Palau, had a parent born in Palau, or was “associated” with a Palau State through any other characteristics, that person, and therefore, the household, became a Palau household. If not, if the householder was born in the Marshall Islands, had a parent born in the Marshall Islands, or was “associated” with the Marshall Islands through any other criteria, that person, and therefore, the household, became a Marshalls household. If no one was Palauan or Marshallese, if the householder was born in FSM, had a parent born in FSM, or was “associated” with an FSM State through any other criteria, that person, and therefore, the household, became an FSM household. Very few ambiguous situations occurred. After these procedures, the 209 persons remained.

Of the 24,067 persons, 17,286 (about 70.2 percent) were FSM associated, 3,304 (13.4 percent) were from the Marshalls, and 3,768 (15.3 percent) were Palau associated. As defined by the law determining the distribution of funds based on these censuses, a computer program also determined the “impact population.” The impact population results from the sum of persons born in an FAS and migrating in 1987 or later AND any children less than 18 years old of anyone migrating from an FAS (whether or not that person came before or after the implementation of the FSM and RMI first Compacts). Table 3.1 shows each of the categories separately, as well as the sum of the two. Also, the table shows a third category containing pre-Compact migrants – that is, those born in a Freely Associated State, but migrating to Guam, CNMI, or Hawaii before 1987 AND any children aged 18 years and over of migrants. A fourth category shows persons who were neither migrants nor the children of migrants – these are persons from other places either married into a migrant family, or were living with migrants. When an association with an FAS migrant could be determined, they were “associated” with the sending population; when no association was determined, they became part of the 290 “others” and are not shown elsewhere in the tables in this report.

The FSM had the largest number of impact migrants (15,514 or almost 90 percent of their total enumerated populations in the 3 receiving areas), followed by the Marshalls (at 88 percent) and Palau (at about 61 percent). Palauan migration, particularly to Guam and the CNMI, has been going on for a long time. This continued migration is reflected in the 18 percent of its population having migrated before 1987 or being older children of migrants. Although the Compact implementation between Palau and the U.S. occurred in 1994, the earlier date – 1987 – keeps consistency among the three areas in all 2003 tabulations.

Palau had the largest percentage of children of migrants (at almost 30 percent), nearly the same as its post-Compact migrants. However, while 66 percent of the FSM impact migrants were actual post-Compact migrants (and 24 percent were children), the Marshalls had an even higher percentage being post-Compact migrants (72 percent) and the lowest percentage of children (16 percent).

Table 3.2 shows the distribution of migrants by FAS to the CNMI. Of the 5,287 people enumerated in the census, 3,570 (more than 2/3^rd) were impact migrants – 2,312 were FSM, 1,163 were Palauans, and 95 were Marshallese. About 39 percent were adult migrants who came to the CNMI in 1987 or later, and about 29 percent were non-migrant children less than 18 years old. The figures for Marshallese in both the CNMI and Guam were very small, compared to those for Hawaii, and, for a census of the migrants to the U.S. mainland, for them as well. Because of the small number of RMI migrants to CNMI and Guam, the percentages varied considerably, so analysts should use both numbers and percents with considerable caution.

Table 3.2. Population by Freely Associated State, CNMI: 2003
CNMI	Number				Percent
Population	Total	FSM	RMI	Palau	Total	FSM	RMI	Palau
Total	5,287	3,097	158	2,002	100.0	100.0	100.0	100.0
Impact population	3,570	2,312	95	1,163	67.5	74.7	60.1	58.1
Impact adult	2,051	1,462	46	543	38.8	47.2	29.1	27.1
Impact child	1,519	850	49	620	28.7	27.4	31.0	31.0
Other FAS	674	308	22	344	12.7	9.9	13.9	17.2
Others	1,043	477	41	495	19.7	15.4	25.9	24.7
Source: Censuses of Micronesian Migrants to Hawaii, Guam and CNMI.

For Palauans, in fact, the CNMI was the favored destination. Of the 2,283 Palauan impact migrants in the three receiving places, more than half were in the CNMI, compared to about 4 in 10 in Guam, and the remaining 1 in 10 in Hawaii. Part of this has to do with the long history of Palauans in Saipan – first in the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands (TTPI) government, followed by the openness of succeeding CNMI governments to employ non-CNMI Micronesians, particularly Palauans. Hence, the movement of Palauans to CNMI continued after implementation of the Compact.

Table 3.3. Population by Freely Associated State, Guam: 2003
Guam	Number				Percent
Population	Total	FSM	RMI	Palau	Total	FSM	RMI	Palau
Total	10,963	9,098	215	1,432	100	100	100	100
Impact population	9,831	8,709	208	914	89.7	95.7	96.7	63.8
Impact adult	6,862	6,257	143	462	62.6	68.8	66.5	32.3
Impact child	2,969	2,452	65	452	27.1	27	30.2	31.6
Other FAS	599	305	7	287	5.5	3.4	3.3	20
Others	533	84	-	231	4.9	0.9	0	16.1
Source: Censuses of Micronesian Migrants to Hawaii, Guam and CNMI.

Table 3.3 shows the distribution of migrants for Guam. The 2003 Guam Census enumerated 10,963 people, and of that total, 9,831 were impact migrants; 8,709 of the enumerated population were FSM impact migrants. More than 6,000 people migrated from the FSM to Guam after implementation of the Compact in 1987, and another 2,452 were impact children. As in CNMI, for Palauans, about half were impact-migrant Palauans and about half were children of migrants.

Table 3.4 shows the results of the 2003 Hawaii Census. Of the 8,357 people enumerated in that census, about 87 percent were impact migrants, with most of them being migrants – 73 percent of the enumerated population migrated to Hawaii in 1987 or later, while about 15 percent were impact children. Of that 7,297 impact migrants, 4,493 (62 percent) were FSM impact migrants, 2,598 (36 percent) RMI, and 206 (3 percent) Palau.

Table 3.4. Population by Freely Associated State, Hawaii: 2003
Hawaii	Number				Percent
Population	Total	FSM	RMI	Palau	Total	FSM	RMI	Palau
Total	8,357	5,091	2,931	334	100	100	100	100
Impact population	7,297	4,493	2,598	206	87.3	88.3	88.6	61.7
Impact adult	6,079	3,708	2,189	182	72.7	72.8	74.7	54.5
Impact child	1,218	785	409	24	14.6	15.4	14	7.2
Other FAS	408	260	88	60	4.9	5.1	3	18
Others	652	338	245	68	7.8	6.6	8.4	20.4
Source: Censuses of Micronesian Migrants to Hawaii, Guam and CNMI.

Table 3.5 shows the distribution of the various FAS enumerated populations by place of association and receiving area. As noted above, more than 70 percent of all enumerated persons were FSM associated, compared to 13 percent for Marshallese, and 15 percent for Palauans. The percentage of FSM associated people was largest in Guam (at 83 percent), but similar for CNMI (59 percent) and Hawaii (61 percent). While 3 percent or less of the FAS associated populations in Guam and CNMI were Marshallese, this group made up more than 35 percent of the FAS associated population in Hawaii, showing a strong Eastward trend for Marshallese migrants. This trend is not surprising since Hawaii is much closer to the Marshalls than Guam and CNMI are – and offers more social and economic opportunity.

Table 3.5. Migrant Populations by Receiving Place, Sending FAS, and Type: 2003
Place		Impact population			Other			Impact population			Other
FAS	Total	Total	Migrants	Children	FAS	Others	Total	Total	Migrants	Children	FAS	Others
Total	24,607	20,698	14,992	5,706	1,681	2,228	100.0	100.0	100.0	100.0	100.0	100.0
FSM	17,286	15,514	11,427	4,087	873	899	70.2	75.0	76.2	71.6	51.9	40.4
RMI	3,304	2,901	2,378	523	117	286	13.4	14.0	15.9	9.2	7.0	12.8
Palau	3,768	2,283	1,187	1,096	691	794	15.3	11.0	7.9	19.2	41.1	35.6
CNMI	5,287	3,570	2,051	1,519	674	1,043	100.0	100.0	100.0	100.0	100.0	100.0
FSM	3,097	2,312	1,462	850	308	477	58.6	64.8	71.3	56.0	45.7	45.7
RMI	158	95	46	49	22	41	3.0	2.7	2.2	3.2	3.3	3.9
Palau	2,002	1,163	543	620	344	495	37.9	32.6	26.5	40.8	51.0	47.5
Guam	10,963	9,831	6,862	2,969	599	533	100.0	100.0	100.0	100.0	100.0	100.0
FSM	9,098	8,709	6,257	2,452	305	84	83.0	88.6	91.2	82.6	50.9	15.8
RMI	215	208	143	65	7	-	2.0	2.1	2.1	2.2	1.2	0.0
Palau	1,432	914	462	452	287	231	13.1	9.3	6.7	15.2	47.9	43.3
Hawaii	8,357	7,297	6,079	1,218	408	652	100.0	100.0	100.0	100.0	100.0	100.0
FSM	5,091	4,493	3,708	785	260	338	60.9	61.6	61.0	64.4	63.7	51.8
RMI	2,931	2,598	2,189	409	88	245	35.1	35.6	36.0	33.6	21.6	37.6
Palau	334	206	182	24	60	68	4.0	2.8	3.0	2.0	14.7	10.4
Source: Censuses of Micronesian Migrants to Hawaii, Guam and CNMI.

While about 38 percent of the CNMI FAS enumerated population was Palauan, this group made up only 13 percent of the Guam migrants, and only 4 percent of those in Hawaii.

The impact migrants were even more FSM associated. Fully 3 of every 4 impact migrants in the censuses were FSM associated, compared to about 1 in every 7 being Marshallese, and slightly more than 1 in 10 being Palau associated. More than 9 in every 10 of the FAS associated post-Compact migrants on Guam were FSM, compared to about 7 in 10 in CNMI and 6 in 10 in Hawaii.

Finally, Table 3.6 shows the same numbers arranged by sending population rather than receiving area. Here about 22 percent of the FAS associated people in the censuses were in the CNMI, compared to 45 percent for Guam, and 34 percent of Hawaii. The percentage for the impact migrants only was higher for Guam (almost 48 percent), and Hawaii but somewhat lower for the CNMI, with CNMI having a larger proportion of pre-Compact migrants than the other two receiving areas.

Table 3.6. Migrant Populations by Sending FAS, Receiving Place, and Type: 2003
FAS		Impact population			Other			Impact population			Other
Place	Total	Total	Migrants	Children	FAS	Others	Total	Total	Migrants	Children	FAS	Others
Total	24,607	20,698	14,992	5,706	1,681	2,228	100.0	100.0	100.0	100.0	100.0	100.0
CNMI	5,287	3,570	2,051	1,519	674	1,043	21.5	17.2	13.7	26.6	40.1	46.8
Guam	10,963	9,831	6,862	2,969	599	533	44.6	47.5	45.8	52.0	35.6	23.9
Hawaii	8,357	7,297	6,079	1,218	408	652	34.0	35.3	40.5	21.3	24.3	29.3
FSM	17,286	15,514	11,427	4,087	873	899	100.0	100.0	100.0	100.0	100.0	100.0
CNMI	3,097	2,312	1,462	850	308	477	17.9	14.9	12.8	20.8	35.3	53.1
Guam	9,098	8,709	6,257	2,452	305	84	52.6	56.1	54.8	60.0	34.9	9.3
Hawaii	5,091	4,493	3,708	785	260	338	29.5	29.0	32.4	19.2	29.8	37.6
RMI	3,304	2,901	2,378	523	117	286	100.0	100.0	100.0	100.0	100.0	100.0
CNMI	158	95	46	49	22	41	4.8	3.3	1.9	9.4	18.8	14.3
Guam	215	208	143	65	7	-	6.5	7.2	6.0	12.4	6.0	0.0
Hawaii	2,931	2,598	2,189	409	88	245	88.7	89.6	92.1	78.2	75.2	85.7
Palau	3,768	2,283	1,187	1,096	691	794	100.0	100.0	100.0	100.0	100.0	100.0
CNMI	2,002	1,163	543	620	344	495	53.1	50.9	45.7	56.6	49.8	62.3
Guam	1,432	914	462	452	287	231	38.0	40.0	38.9	41.2	41.5	29.1
Hawaii	334	206	182	24	60	68	8.9	9.0	15.3	2.2	8.7	8.6
Source: Censuses of Micronesian Migrants to Hawaii, Guam and CNMI.

As noted previously, the 2003 censuses continued a series of surveys and censuses funded by the Office of Insular Affairs, Department of the Interior. These surveys assist in measuring the impact of the Compacts of Free Association between the United States and the Freely Associated States of the Republic of the Marshall Islands, the Federated States of Micronesia, and the Republic of Palau. These surveys started in the early 1990s in Guam (1992) and the CNMI (1993), and have continued, while being un-mandated until recently. While later chapters look at the longer-term changes in numbers of percentages of migrants, here looking at the change during the period from 1997/1998, as in the first extensive report.

In making comparisons between 1997/1998 and 2003, it is important to remember that the criteria for inclusion as an impact migrant changes slightly between the two enumerations. As noted, in 2003, children of migrants were included only if they were less than 18 years old. However, for the 1997/1998 enumerations, all children of migrants, no matter what their age, were included. However, in 1997 and 1998, almost no people were children of migrants 18 years and over, since the migration had only been going for about 10 years. In both censuses, children of migrants were included no matter when their parents migrated. We had to use this procedure because many children could be identified directly only if their parent was in the household (for example, child of householder); otherwise we could not make a direct match.

As noted for 2003, for the 1997/1998 period, the distribution of migrants among the pre-migrant, post-migrant, children of migrants and “other person” categories varied among both receiving states and among the Palauan, FSM and RMI migrant communities. Table 3.7 shows the number of persons enumerated by the census of Micronesian migrants in Hawaii in 1997 and 2003. As can be seen, the census collected information on 6,744 persons in 1997 but 8,357 in 2003, an increase of 24 percent during the 6 years. In 1997, almost 5,000 were post-Compact migrants, 700 were children of migrants, and 600 were pre-Compact migrants. The survey enumerated about 3,800 persons as FSM migrants and their families, 2,500 Marshallese, and about 500 Palauans.

Table 3.7. Pre- and Post-Compact Migrants to Hawaii: 1997 and 2003
	1997				2003
Group	Total	FSM	RMI	Palau	Total	FSM	RMI	Palau
Total	6,744	3,786	2,472	486	8,357	5,091	2,931	334
Post-Compact migrants and children	5,509	3,312	2,070	127	7,297	4,493	2,598	206
Pre-Compact migrants	610	232	185	193	408	260	88	60
Other persons in the households	625	242	217	166	652	338	245	68
Source: Censuses of Micronesian Migrants to Hawaii, Guam and CNMI.

Table 3.11 shows the number of persons enumerated by the censuses of Micronesian migrants in the CNMI in 1998 and 2003. The 1998 census collected information on 4,469 persons, while the 2003 enumerated 5,287 people. In 1998, about 1,200 were post-Compact migrants, 600 were children of migrants, and another 1,200 were pre-Compact migrants. The other persons were not migrants or their children, but could have been third or later generation persons of Micronesian migrant ethnicities. For example, the children of children of Palauan migrants would not be included because neither they nor their parents were born outside of the CNMI. The number of post-Compact migrants doubled between 1998 and 2003 – from 1,755 in 1998 to 3,570 in 2003. The FSM migrants increased by about 50 percent, the Marshallese by about 20 people, but the Palauans by almost 1,000 people.

Table 3.11. Pre- and Post-Compact Migrants to CNMI: 1998 and 2003
	1998				2003
Group	Total	FSM	RMI	Palau	Total	FSM	RMI	Palau
Total	4,469	2,199	116	2,154	5,287	3,097	158	2,002
Post-Compact migrants and children	1,755	1,503	7 4	178	3,570	2,312	95	1,163
Pre-Compact migrants	1,192	289	18	885	674	308	22	344
Other persons in the households	1,522	407	24	1,091	1,043	477	41	495
Source: Censuses of Micronesian Migrants to Hawaii, Guam and CNMI.

Of the 4,500 migrants to the CNMI in 1998, 39 percent were post-Compact migrants or their children, 27 percent were pre-Compact migrants and 34 percent were other persons (Table 3.12). About 2/3^rd of the 2003 migrants were post-Compact, including 3/4^th of the FSM associated people, The percentages of both pre-Compact people and “others” decreased during the 5-year period.

Table 3.12. Pre- and Post-Compact Migrants to CNMI: 1998 and 2003
	1998				2003
Group	Total	FSM	RMI	Palau	Total	FSM	RMI	Palau
Total	4,469	2,199	116	2,154	5,287	3,097	158	2,002
Post-Compact migrants and children	39.3	68.3	63.8	8.3	67.5	74.7	60.1	58.1
Pre-Compact migrants	26.7	13.1	15.5	41.1	12.7	9.9	13.9	17.2
Other persons in the households	34.1	18.5	20.7	50.6	19.7	15.4	25.9	24.7
Source: Censuses of Micronesian Migrants to Hawaii, Guam and CNMI.

For 1997, the percentage of post-Compact migrants in the CNMI is smaller than either Guam or Hawaii, which can be partially explained by the later implementation of the Compact in Palau. About 2,154 (48 percent) were from Palau, 2,199 (49 percent) were associated with the Federated States of Micronesia, and 116 (3 percent) were associated with the Marshall Islands. Clearly, Marshallese migrants were much more likely to go to Hawaii than either Guam or the CNMI, probably because Hawaii is closer to the Marshalls and has more affordable housing, food and other amenities.

Table 3.13 shows the number of persons enumerated by all three censuses for these years. In total, the 1997/1998 censuses collected information on 19,551 persons compared to 24,607 for 2003---an increase of 5,056 people (and 26 percent) during the 6 year period. Of 1997 total, more than 13,800 were post-Compact migrants (and children), about 2,500 were pre-Compact migrants, and, about 3,200 other persons lived in these households. By 2003, the figures for post-Compact migrants increased, as would be expected, while the numbers for pre-Compact migrants and “others” decreased: 20,700 post-compact migrants (and the children), 1,700 pre-Compact migrants, and 2,200 others. The FSM enumerated population was about 2/3^rd of the total for the three areas. RMI also contributed substantially to the post-Compact component, while most of the Palauans, partly because of the later Compact implementation date, were mostly pre-Compact migrants.

Table 3.13. Pre- and Post-Compact Migrants to All Areas: 1997, 1998 and 2003
	1997				2003
Group	Total	FSM	RMI	Palau	Total	FSM	RMI	Palau
Total	19,551	12,934	2,720	3,897	24,607	17,286	3,304	3,768
Post-Compact migrants and children	13,814	11,140	2,267	407	20,698	15,514	2,901	2,283
Pre-Compact migrants	2,532	791	205	1,536	1,681	873	117	691
Other persons in the households	3,205	1,003	248	1,954	2,228	899	286	794
Source: Censuses of Micronesian Migrants to Hawaii, Guam and CNMI.

Of the 20,000 persons in the three censuses in 1997, 71 percent were post-Compact migrants or their children, 13 percent were pre-Compact migrants and 16 percent were other persons compared to the 2003 census totals of 84 percent for impact migrants, 7 percent for pre-Compact migrants, and 9 percent “others.” (Table 3.14). In 1997/1998, approximately 10 percent of Palau born were post-Compact migrants or the children of migrants, compared to 86 percent for FSM and 83 percent for the Marshall Islands. By 2003, Palau post-Compact impact migrants increased to more than 61 percent, while the other two percentages also increased as well. Undoubtedly, reporting problems which were present in both 1997/1998 and 2003 for Palauans accounted for much of the increase.

Table 3.14. Pre- and Post-Compact Migrants to All Areas: 1997, 1998 and 2003
	1997/1998				2003
Group	Total	FSM	RMI	Palau	Total	FSM	RMI	Palau
Total	19,551	12,934	2,720	3,897	24,607	17,286	3,304	3,768
Post-Compact migrants and children	70.7	86.1	83.3	10.4	84.1	89.7	87.8	60.6
Pre-Compact migrants	13.0	6.1	7.5	39.4	6.8	5.1	3.5	18.3
Other persons in the households	16.4	7.8	9.1	50.1	9.1	5.2	8.7	21.1
Source: Censuses of Micronesian Migrants to Hawaii, Guam and CNMI.

We will look at just two variables using the various selection criteria to get a better idea of how the migrant categories might influence the extent of the impact of the immigration resulting for the implementation of the Compacts of Free Association.

Table 3.15 shows the labor force participation (LFP) rates of the people 16 years and older in the labor force for Freely Associated States in Hawaii in 1997 and 2003. In 1997, the total LFP rate was 47 percent, meaning that less than half of the population 16 years and over was in the labor force (whether employed or unemployed); in 2003, only 45 percent were in the labor force. The percentage of impact migrants remained about the same, at under 45 percent. The percentage of impact children in the labor force, however, decreased considerably, perhaps due to these children staying in school longer. In 1997, 58 percent of the Palauan adults were in the labor force (vs. 60 percent in 2003), compared to 54 percent of the FSM associated persons (and 50 percent in 2003) but only 33 percent of the Marshallese (which stayed about the same in 2003).

Table 3.15. Labor Force Participation of Migrants to Hawaii: 1997 and 2003
	1997				2003
Group	Total	FSM	RMI	Palau	Total	FSM	RMI	Palau
Total	47.1	53.5	32.5	58.2	45.4	50.0	33.8	60.4
Impact adult	44.7	52.6	29.7	48.6	44.1	49.0	33.0	60.7
Impact child	41.9	42.9	42.9	0.0	21.7	18.2	14.3	40.0
Other FAS	58.1	65.8	45.8	59.7	58.8	63.1	45.5	60.0
Others	54.9	50.9	48.7	65.7	50.2	49.6	40.4	61.8
Source: Censuses of Micronesian Migrants to Hawaii, Guam and CNMI.

In 1997, more than 58 percent of the pre-Compact migrants were in the labor force (60 percent of the Palauans, 66 percent of the FSM migrants, and 46 percent of the Marshallese), compared to only 45 percent of the post-Compact migrants. This latter figure is not completely surprising since many of the migrants arrived in Hawaii only shortly before the census. These persons may not have had time to get a job, or, like many persons just joining the work force, may have been moving in and out of entry-level jobs until they established themselves as workers. About 48 percent of the Palauans, 53 percent of the FSM migrants, and 30 percent of the Marshallese post-Compact migrants were in the labor force.

For 1997, it is also important to note that about 55 percent of the “others” in Freely Associated States households were in the labor force, significantly higher than the Freely Associated States migrants themselves, indicating that marriage with an outsider boosts labor force participation within the household. Almost 2/3rds of the “others” in Palau associated households were in the labor force compared to about half of those in FSM and Marshall Islands households.

Therefore, the rates of labor force participation for the Freely Associated States migrants differ depending on the inclusion criteria in the "impact” population.

A second variable — per capita income — further illustrates the differences, depending on selection criteria. We calculated per capita income by dividing all of the income obtained by a population in a year by the number of people in that population. Income from all sources — earnings, own business income, interest and dividends, welfare, etc — is usually included in the per capita income determination, as it is here. The per capita income for 1996 for the post-Compact Impact migrants in the 1997 Hawaii Census of Micronesian Migrant was $3,759 (Table 3.16). The per capita income for post-Compact Palau associated migrants was $4,688, more than that of either FSM ($4,213) or the Marshall Islands ($2,977). Pre-Compact migrants presented a much more positive impact. They had per capita incomes of about $13,622 -- $15,372 for Palauans, $17,629 for FSM, but only $6,770 for RMI.

Table 3.16 Per Capita Income in the year before the Census of Migrants in Hawaii: 1997 and 2003
	1997				2003
Group	Total	FSM	RMI	Palau	Total	FSM	RMI	Palau
Impact migrants	$3,759	$4,213	$2,977	$4,688	$5,691	$6,278	$4,537	$7,454
Impact adult	$4,278	$4,859	$3,338	$4,840	$6,813	$7,588	$5,374	$8,344
Impact child	$163	$194	$103	…	$91	$88	$60	$700
Other FAS	$13,622	$17,629	$6,770	$15,372	$13,461	$12,747	$13,512	$16,485
Source: Censuses of Micronesian Migrants to Hawaii, Guam and CNMI.

The Marshallese had the lowest per capita incomes across the board, but even here, the pre-Compact per capita income of almost $7,000 was more than double that of the post-Compact migrants showing that length of residence has a positive impact on income levels (as represented by the per capita numbers). Once again, the per capita income levels changed rather dramatically depending on what criteria were used to determine the "impact” population.

We can summarize the distribution of pre-Compact and post-Compact Impact migrants for the three sending areas and three receiving areas, as in Table 3.11. As noted before, of the 16,346 migrants and children, 7,280 were in Guam in 1997, 6,119 were in Hawaii in 1997, and 2,947 were in the CNMI in 1998(Table 3.17). Almost 12,000 of the migrants were from the FSM, while about 2,500 came from the Marshall Islands, and less than 2,000 from Palau (which was still about 1/6^th of the Palau-born population in Palau itself.)

Of the 16,000 migrants and children, almost 14,000 (85 percent) were post-Compact Impact migrants, and about 2,500 (15 percent) were pre-Compact migrants. This last group was heavily influenced by the late implementation of the Palau Compact — 1,500 (more than 60 percent) of the 2,500 were Palau born.

These tables show that the numbers of migrants are small in international terms, and even compared to the size of the receiving populations of Guam, Hawaii, and the CNMI. However, the migrant populations are very large as a segment of the sending populations.

Finally, Table 3.17 shows another aspect of the difficulties in determining exactly who should and who should not be included in an analysis of the impact of the Micronesian migrants. We included only Impact migrants, and so excluded non-FAS spouses and other relatives. Of the 16,346 first and second-generation migrants in the three areas in 1997, more than 2,000 were actually born in the receiving areas. Most of these children, of course, had parents born in the FSM, but about 300 had parents born in the Marshalls and about 50 had parents born in Palau. Hence, 87 percent of the migrants and children were born outside the receiving area — 85 percent of the FSM migrants were born outside of the receiving areas compared to 89 percent of the Marshallese and 97 percent of the Palauans.

Table 3.17. Migrants and Children by FAS, Receiving Place, and Period of Migration: 1997/1998 and 2003
	2003							1997/1998
Place	Born in this Area			Migrants				Born in this Area			Migrants
FAS	Total	Number	Percent	Total	Post	Percent	Pre	Total	Number	Percent	Total	Post	Percent	Pre
Total	24,358	6,859	28.2	17,499	15,735	89.9	1,764	16,346	2,112	12.9	14,234	12,419	87.2	1,815
Palau	3,768	1,659	44.0	2,109	1,365	64.7	744	1,943	54	2.8	1,889	1,060	56.1	829
FSM	17,286	4,479	25.9	12,807	11,907	93.0	900	11,931	1,784	15.0	10,147	9,364	92.3	783
RMI	3,304	721	21.8	2,583	2,463	95.4	120	2,472	274	11.1	2,198	1,995	90.8	203
														-
Hawaii	8,356	1,443	17.3	6,913	6,478	93.7	435	6,119	640	10.5	5,479	4,939	90.1	540
Palau	334	45	13.5	289	220	76.1	69	320	4	1.3	316	187	59.2	129
FSM	5,091	825	16.2	4,266	3,990	93.5	276	3,544	408	11.5	3,136	2,908	92.7	228
RMI	2,931	573	19.5	2,358	2,268	96.2	90	2,255	228	10.1	2,027	1,844	91.0	183
														-
Guam	10,745	3,054	28.4	7,691	7,066	91.9	625	7,280	1,016	14.0	6,264	5,694	90.9	570
Palau	1,432	592	41.3	840	531	63.2	309	560	15	2.7	545	245	45.0	300
FSM	9,098	2,401	26.4	6,697	6,388	95.4	309	6,595	988	15.0	5,607	5,338	95.2	269
RMI	215	61	28.4	154	147	95.5	7	125	13	10.4	112	111	99.1	1
														-
CNMI	5,257	2,362	44.9	2,895	2,191	75.7	704	2,947	456	15.5	2,491	1,786	71.7	705
Palau	2,002	1,022	51.0	980	614	62.7	366	1,063	35	3.3	1,028	628	61.1	400
FSM	3,097	1,253	40.5	1,844	1,529	82.9	315	1,792	388	21.7	1,404	1,118	79.6	286
RMI	158	87	55.1	71	48	67.6	23	92	33	35.9	59	40	67.8	19
Source: Censuses of Micronesian Migrants to Hawaii, Guam and CNMI.

By 2003, as would be expected, many more persons were post-Compact migrants. The percentage of Receiving Place-born people also increased considerably. For example, while 13 percent of the 1997/1998 population was born in the Area, that figure more than doubled to 28 percent in 2003. About 44 percent of the Palau population were born in Area, compared to 26 percent of the FSM associated and 22 percent of the Marshalls associated. The relationship between pre- and post-Compact migrants showed less change.

The data show a snapshot of the population at the time of enumeration in each of the two censuses. The migration flows show generally continued migration in 1990s. Of course, we show only net migration. It is important to remember in assessing flows that some return migration also occurs over time, so it is dangerous to use estimates from continuing sources. Tax data, for example, will include persons who were in an area some time during the year — some people might be in the area at the beginning of the year and leave, others might come to the area partway through. Depending on when the census is taken, we might count both of these individuals, only one of them, or neither. The snapshot approach is not perfect, but it does allow us to see a kind of change over time by taking a series of snapshots, and then assessing what we have.

In this paper we use additional sources besides the series of Office of Insular Affairs Surveys: The United States collected the 1990 Decennial Census on Guam and in the CNMI. These data sets are used here, in both published and unpublished form, to provide insight into the numbers and characteristics of pre- and post-Compact Micronesian migrants. During the early 1990s, the Office of Insular Affairs, Department of the Interior, funded two surveys: the first, a 1992 census of Micronesians residing on Guam, was supervised by Donald Rubinstein, an anthropologist at the University of Guam. The second funded survey was a 1993 survey of Micronesians (from the Federated States of Micronesia, the Marshall Islands, and Palau) residing in the CNMI. Data from the 1995 Census of the Northern Mariana Islands are also being used, with the approval of the Central Statistics Division, Department of Commerce, CNMI. The University of Guam collected a survey of Palauans on Guam in 1995. Some data from that survey are used here. Finally, in 1997, the Office of Insular Affairs funded censuses of Micronesian Migrants to Hawaii, Guam, and the CNMI.

In the following three chapters we will look only at the Impact migrants. Again, Impact migrants are people (2) who were born in a Freely Associated State but who migrated to Guam, CNMI, or Hawaii in 1987 or later or (2) were children less than 18 years old of migrants of any year. In this chapter we look at migrants to Guam. We already described how the different sets of migrants were identified. The International Programs Center developed a computer package in the Census Bureau’s Integrated Microcomputer Processing System (IMPS) Consistency and Correction (CONCOR) edit package. We used CONCOR to add a variable to each person and housing record for the 1997 and 2003 Censuses of Micronesian Migrants to Hawaii and Guam and the 1998 and 2003 Censuses of Micronesian Migrants to the CNMI to indicate migration group for that person.

For the CNMI, in addition to the 1998 Census of Micronesian Migrants to Saipan, we used the 1995 CNMI Census results to obtain more information about Freely Associated States migrant trends to the Commonwealth. Also, in order to see changes in the post-Compact migrant populations, we also used data from the 1990 Censuses of the CNMI and Guam. As noted elsewhere in this paper, the 1990 Census of Hawaii could not provide useful comparative data, so the data presented here use data only from the 1997/8 Censuses of Micronesian migrants.

In order to use the 1990 Census data for Guam and CNMI and the 1995 CNMI data, Michael T. Stroot and Michael J. Levin of the Census Bureau’s International Programs Center developed a research subset from the censuses. The subset contained only those households containing at least one person born in one of the Freely Associated States areas — Palau, the Federated States of Micronesia, or the Marshall Islands. These new data sets were comparable to the data sets collected in the 1997/8 Censuses of Micronesian Migrants to Hawaii, Guam, and the CNMI, since in 1997/8, we collected data only from households having at least one Micronesian migrant. So, the analysis uses the following data sets: the 1990 Guam Census subset and data from the 1997 Census of Micronesian Migrants to Guam; the 1990 and 1995 CNMI Censuses, and the 1998 Saipan Census of Micronesian migrants; and, the 1997 Census of Micronesian Migrants to Hawaii.

CHAPTER 4

NUMBERS AND CHARACTERISTICS OF MICRONESIAN MIGRANTS IN GUAM

This chapter looks at the changing numbers and characteristics of the Micronesian migrants to Guam.

4.1 Demography

The earliest Micronesian migrants to Guam — like the earliest migrants in most migration streams — were predominantly young males in search of jobs. Many of the original households were inherently unstable, composed as they were of several young men in their twenties or thirties working at low-paying jobs and pooling their income to cover rent and other expenditures (Hezel and McGrath 1989:58-60). In the absence of a more viable authority structure and generational depth, such "peer-group households," as Rubinstein terms them, were continually "dissolving and reforming, with new arrivals coming in, others moving out" (Rubinstein 1993:260). Rubinstein went on to note the gradual evolution of this fragile type of household into more typically Micronesian forms.

Table 4.1 shows the age distribution of earliest migrants – the Micronesians on Guam at about the time of the implementation of the Compacts. Unfortunately, the government of Guam chose not to make an accounting of all Micronesians at the time of the implementation, so we use these data collected using other than Census Bureau methods to obtain a base population. According to this survey, the 3,240 migrants were about 2/3rds Chuukese, with the rest of the FSM States and others (possibly Marshallese and Palauans) making up the rest. The median age – the age with half the population being older and half being younger – was about 23.

Table 4.1. FSM Migrants of Guam by Age and State: 1988
Age Group	Total	Yap	Chuuk	Pohnpei	Kosrae	Others
Total	3,240	318	2,143	377	135	267
Less than 5 years	485	32	243	28	16	166
5 to 9 years	228	18	147	24	8	31
10 to 14 years	181	9	130	26	2	14
15 to 19 years	344	42	230	50	13	9
20 to 24 years	621	86	423	78	23	11
25 to 29 years	552	57	398	58	26	13
30 to 34 years	350	34	240	46	21	9
35 to 39 years	189	15	121	28	21	4
40 to 44 years	121	16	81	19	3	2
45 to 49 years	66	1	53	6	1	5
50 to 54 years	42	3	32	5	1	1
55 to 59 years	27	1	23	3	-	-
60 to 64 years	14	1	9	4	-	-
65 to 69 years	11	1	9	-	-	1
70 to 74 years	5	-	3	2	-	-
75 years and over	4	2	1	-	-	1
Median	23.1	23.4	23.8	23.9	26.1	NA
Source: 1988 Census of FSM Migrants to Guam

As noted, single male migrants tend to arrive as the beachhead, followed by young married males and young females, and then other family members. In 1988, the population was skewed male, with about 1800 males and 1400 females. Females made up about 44 percent of the migrant population, but more than half of the Pohnpeians (Table 4.2).

Table 4.2. FSM Migrants of Guam by Sex and State: 1988
Age Group	Total	Yap	Chuuk	Pohnpei	Kosrae	Others
Total	3,240	318	2,143	377	135	267
Males	1,824	207	1,214	185	80	138
Females	1,416	111	929	192	55	129
Percent	43.7	34.9	43.4	50.9	40.7	48.3
Source: 1988 Census of FSM Migrants to Guam

Since the 1988 data were collected by priests, it is not surprising that religion was one of the variables. In the sample they collected, slightly more than half the population of migrants was Catholic. Since the history of missionization in Micronesia saw the Catholics move from West to East and the Protestants from East to West, the figures in table 4.3 are expected: about 92 percent of Yapese migrants were Catholic compared to only 5 percent of Kosrae’s (although Kosrae’s total numbers were small).

Table 4.3. FSM Migrants of Guam by Religion and State: 1988
Age Group	Total	Yap	Chuuk	Pohnpei	Kosrae	Others
Total	3,240	318	2,143	377	135	267
Catholics	1,660	293	1,063	139	7	158
Percent	51.2	92.1	49.6	36.9	5.2	59.2
Protestants	1,453	16	1,012	213	126	86
Others	127	5	47	56	93	32
Source: 1988 Census of FSM Migrants to Guam

And, as in most migration flows, in the second stage of the pattern Rubinstein identified on Guam, two-generation households emerged around a nuclear family, but they contained a potpourri of loosely related kin and friends. Later on, household membership followed kinship principles similar to those back home, with grandparents and other older people being added, giving households important generational depth (Rubinstein 1993:260-261).

Guam has had a broad range of migrant household types, extending from "peer-group households" to the much more stable types that mirror social organization in the migrant's home islands. Data on gender and age distribution of migrants in Guam show how far households in each place have advanced along Rubinstein's spectrum.

Most of the tables in the following chapters concentrate on Impact migrants, as described earlier. Impact migrants include all people born in the Freely Associated States of Palau, the Marshall Islands, and the Federated States of Micronesia, and any children under 18 not born in a Freely Associated State, but having at least one FAS-born parent.

1995 SURVEY OF MICRONESIAN MIGRANTS TO GUAM

In the first part of the 1990s, the Office of Insular Affairs funded the University of Guam’s Micronesian Language Institute (MLI) to enumerate all Palauans on Guam. While the complete survey methodology was not published, the enumerators were Palauan, and results were compiled by Guam’s Bureau of Planning. Some of the results are shown in the accompanying tables.

According to the census results, 2,256 people were enumerated (Table 4.4). Of those, 892 were born in Palau. As with the other surveys in this series, problems come from interrupting who is a “Palauan” for Impact purposes. Other variables provide estimates of the numbers of Palauans. For example, the table shows that 1,489 people spoke Palauan at home – some of theses, of course, could be non-Palauans who either married Palauans or lived in Palau or lived on Guam in Palauan households and learned the language. On the other hand, of the 869 people 5 years and over who were in Palau, only 832 spoke Palauan at home, so some “Palauans” presumably were not speaking Palauan.

As will be shown, the “regular” OIA funded surveys on Guam, those funded as part of what became the Impact reporting, tended to have great difficulty collecting data on Palauans on Guam. Most of the problems came from hiring enough Palauan enumerators at the going price of enumeration. The 1995 Survey of Palauans paid $36 per household enumerated, a good incentive to continue collecting information; the regular surveys paid, and continue to pay about $15 an hour, the same as for the regular Guam Labor Force Surveys. In any case, the regular surveys tend not to be able to get full enumerations of Palauans. Since the 1995 Republic of Palau enumerated about 17,000 people, the population of Palau born on Guam was about 5 percent of the total for Palau itself.

For this survey, the median age of all people in the sample was 24.6 years, of Palau born was 33.0, so children of Palau born living on Guam influenced, in some way, the total median age. The sex ratio (males per 100 females) for Palau born was 85 – so, considerably more females than males migrated than males – while the total for the survey was 96.

Palauans experienced the earliest emigration, starting in earnest at least in the 1970s (Table 4.5). The series of Palau Censuses shows that the number of Palau-born living in Palau has remained relatively constant since the 1973 Trust Territory Census at about 12,000. The natural increase (births less deaths) for many years was almost exactly offset by immigrants (Levin and Tellames, 2005). The 2005 Census, however, showed a bump of about 1,000 extra Palau born, but some of these could be the children of resident Filipinos and other Asian migrants. The migration stream of Palauans, particularly to Guam, has been studied somewhat more extensively that their numbers might warrant (see, for example, Shewman 1979, 1981, Johanek 1984, Hezel and Levin 1989, 1996, Smith 1996). The population of Palauans on Guam remains small, at about 1,200, as seen in the table. Also, the continuing stream is seen, with about one-third of the Palau born having arrived before 1985, as recorded in this survey.

As noted previously, most Palauans still spoke Palauan at home, but more than 1 in every 5 of the population 5 years and over spoke English at home; some of these people, of course, are households with a single Palauan living with non-Palauan speakers (Table 4.6). Only 11 people in the sample spoke only Palauan.

About 3 in every 5 people 25 years and over in the Palauans survey were high school graduates, and 11 percent were college graduates; only 2 of 3 Palau born were high school graduates and 7 percent were college graduates. But, females had roughly the same percentages as males in the sample, showing equality of education by gender.

Females did not do as well in the labor force, with only 57 percent of those 16 years and over being in the labor force, compared to 68 percent of the total survey adult population in the labor force (Table 4.7). Also, females were somewhat more likely to be unemployed – 11.5 percent, compared to 9.0 percent for the total survey population.

Finally, the median household income in 1994 of Palauan households on Guam in 1995 was $23,800, more than $2,000 more than the Palau-born households. However, recent immigrants usually have a time lag in attaining the same income levels as the receiving populations, so these figures are actually reassuring. Because family incomes do not include single persons, the family median incomes were higher than the household incomes. The per capita income of Palauans on Guam in 1995 was $7,727, with Palau born having even higher per capita incomes, presumably because they had smaller households and families. At the other extreme, more than 1 in every 3 Palauans was living below U.S. defined poverty levels. And, the Palau born were doing even worse – with almost 4 in 10 in this category.

These figures show the status of the Palauans at the mid-point of the decade, and the mid-point of the 1990s Micronesian surveys of Guam.

RESULTS OF THE 1997 AND 2003 SURVEYS

We use the 1990 Census of Guam and the 1997 Census of the Micronesian Migrants to show and compare 1990s to 2003 Census trends. The 2000 Census data for Guam recently became available, as summary files, special tabulations, and public use microdata sample (PUMS), but too late for use here. Some of the data are shown in Chapter 16 on the 2000 Census.

As noted in the methodology section, we are showing here only persons who migrated after the Compacts of Free Association were implemented — 1987 for migrants from the Federated States of Micronesia (FSM) and the Republic of the Marshall Islands (RMI) and 1994 for migrants from the Republic of Palau – and children of migrants (no matter when they migrated.) All children were included because they were either migrants themselves, and therefore in the first category if they migrated after compact implementation, or were children of householders who were not born in the Freely Associated States, but who had at least one parent born there.

Demographic characteristics. Table 4.8 shows some demographic characteristics of the Micronesian Impact migrants in Guam. Because of the very small sample size, information about the pre-Compact Marshallese for this and the following tables in this Chapter will not be shown. The 2003 Census reported 9,831 Impact migrants, including 8,709 from the Federated States of Micronesia, 914 from Palau, and 208 from the Marshall Islands. The total Impact migrants increased from 6,550 in 1997, an increase of 50 percent during the 6 year period; between 1990 and 1997, the number of Impact migrants increased from 2,739 to 6,550 (or 140 percent) and an increase of 3,281 migrants from 1997 to 2003. In interpreting these figures, it is important to note that the Office of Insular Affairs is required to change the definition of an “Impact migrant” from time to time, so some caution needs to be used in interpreting the results.

Table 4.8. Demographic Characteristics, Impact Migrants, Guam: 1990, 1997 and 2003

Demographic	Total			FSM			RMI			Palau
Characteristics	2003	1997	1990	2003	1997	1990	2003	1997	1990	2003	1997
Total	9,831	6,550	2,739	8,709	6,325	2,658	208	123	76	914	102
Males	5,017	3,219	1,478	4,438	3,213	1,424	107	67	49	472	51
Females	4,814	3,583	1,261	4,271	3,112	1,234	101	56	27	442	51
Males per 100 females	104.2	103.5	117.2	103.9	103.3	115.4	105.9	119.8	181.5	106.8	100.0
Median	19.6	21.7	20.7	20.1	21.7	20.9	18.9	17.5	15.4	15.4	24.3

Less than 15 years (%)	40.9	35.1	34.2	40.0	35.1	33.7	42.8	43.1	48.7	49.0	21.6
15 to 29 years (%)	29.6	38.9	44.8	30.4	38.9	45.0	29.8	35.0	42.1	22.2	48.0
30 to 44 years (%)	20.8	19.1	16.6	20.8	19.2	16.9	19.7	17.1	7.9	20.9	18.6
45 to 59 years (%)	7.0	5.4	3.2	7.1	5.4	3.3	6.3	4.9	1.3	6.0	6.9
60 years and over (%)	1.7	1.5	1.2	1.7	1.5	1.2	1.4	0.0	0.0	1.9	4.9

Males Never Married (%)	42.9	51.7	58.9	42.4	51.6	58.4	39.7	45.5	73.3	49.8	61.0
Females Never Married (%)	35.8	44.1	51.6	35.6	43.8	51.7	30.4	45.9	44.4	39.3	56.4

Households	1,713	979	331	1,506	931	325	39	22	6	168	26
Persons per household	5.76	6.66	8.27	5.79	6.77	8.18	5.33	5.59	12.67	5.57	3.78
Persons per family	6.33	6.97	8.27	6.24	7.03	8.18	5.94	5.86	12.67	7.43	5.37
Sources: 1997 and 2003 Guam Micronesian Censuses and 1990 Decennial Census of Guam

The sex ratio for the Impact migrants in 2003 was 104, an increase of less than 1, from 1997. These values indicate that the number of males was somewhat higher than the number of females in the population. The sex ratios varied among the three Freely Associated States groups, with the sex ratio of FSM being 104, Palau’s being 107, and RMI being 120, showing about 6 males for every 5 females.

The median age of the Impact migrants was 19.6 years, a decrease of more than 2 years since 1997, but this decline is partially explained by partly by the change in definition of Impact migrants and partly by the settling in of migrants, and their starting families. Of the post-Compact migrants, the Palauans were the oldest (24.3 years), followed by the FSM (21.7 years) and the Marshallese (17.5 years). Among the pre-Compact migrants, the Palauans were the oldest (41.1 years) followed by the migrants from FSM (34.9 years).

The percentage of the population less than 15 years old steadily increased during the period, from about 34 percent in 1990 to 41 percent in 2003. Part of this increase was due to the fact that post-Compact migrants’ children as well as pre-Compact migrant children are included, whereas the pre-Compact migrants themselves are not included, thus skewing the ages downward. The percentages being 15 to 29 decreased over time, perhaps indicating continued emigration to Hawaii and the mainland in search of better economic circumstances. The older groups all increased somewhat, showing a general aging of the population.

The percentages never married of persons 15 years and over decreased for both males and females showing increased numbers of families migrating, and older people accompanying these families – these older people having previously been married.

And, the household size has been decreasing over the period, from more than 8 people per household in 1990 to about 6 in 2003.

Citizenship. Citizenship is collected in most censuses and population surveys, and, in the U.S. Areas, the focus is on U.S. citizenship. Since persons born in Freely Associated States cannot be citizens by birth, they can only become U.S. citizens through Naturalization (or by having one U.S. born parent). And clearly, the longer the residence is in a U.S. Area, the more likely a person would be to become a citizen.

Table 4.9 shows the citizenship status for the 1990 and 2000 Censuses, and the 1997 survey. Unfortunately, the 2003 data became obscured, either in data collection or processing, and the numbers of permanent and temporary non-citizen residents cannot be obtained. The percentage of reported U.S. citizens for all Freely Associated States migrants, as well as FSM migrants specifically decreased during the decade. While about 1 in every 4 Micronesian migrants in 1990 were citizens, only about 1 in 12 were in this category in 2000.

Table 4.9. Citizenship for Impact Migrants, Guam: 1990 to 2000
	2000		1997		1990
Citizenship	Total	FSM	Total	FSM	Total	FSM
Total	8,320	6,985	6,550	6,325	2,739	2,658
Citizens	675	395	1,120	1,085	663	628
Percent	8.1	5.7	17.1	17.2	24.2	23.6
Non-citizens	7,640	6,590	5,430	5,240	2,076	2,030
Permanent residents	4,545	3,765	1,167	1,105	939	920
Percent	59.5	57.1	21.5	21.1	45.2	45.3
Source: 1997 and 2003 Guam Micronesian Surveys

The table also shows the percentage of self-declared permanent residents for non-citizens. These percentages jumped around, probably because of the different definitions used and different population – the 1997 data were for post-Compact migrants only, the others included all Micronesia born. Nonetheless, between 1990 and 2000 the percentage claiming to be permanent residents jumped by 10 points.

In 1997, data on residence in 1992 were collected in the Micronesian survey, so, like the decennial census, residence 5 years before the survey could have been obtained. Unfortunately, in 2003, the 1993 date was used again – so ten years before the survey, rather than 5 years, so comparable data could not be obtained. Reference can be made to the basic tables for more analysis of short term migration movements and characteristics of these migrants.

Reason for migration. Table 4.10 shows the reasons for migrating in 1997 and 2003 for post-Compact migrants only; similar data can be obtained from the 2000 Census, but only for all migrants. In 1997 to some extent, but more so in 2003, many migrants gave the response “other” for reason for migration, although many of these were for schooling, which was left off of the list for unknown reasons. But, in order to compare the two distributions, the table excludes the “others” from the percentages.

Table 4.10. Reason for Migration for Impact Migrants, Guam: 1997 and 2003
	2003				1997
Reason for Migration	Total	FSM	RMI	Palau	Total	FSM	RMI	Palau
Total	7,007	6,358	147	502	5,534	5,337	110	87
Employment	2,547	2,351	34	162	2,392	2,348	25	19
Spouse of Employed person	645	600	12	33	366	354	8	4
Dependent of employed person	1,939	1,806	21	112	1,451	1,408	34	9
Family subsistence	48	47	0	1	116	112	3	1
Family business	15	14	0	1	21	20	0	1
Missionary activities	43	32	7	4	32	27	2	3
Medical reasons	38	36	0	2	27	27	0	0
Visiting/vacation	351	308	22	21	265	242	4	19
Other	1,381	1,164	51	166	864	799	34	31

Total, excluding "other"	100.0	100.0	100.0	100.0	100.0	100.0	100.0	100.0
Employment	45.3	45.3	35.4	48.2	51.2	51.7	32.9	33.9
Spouse of Employed person	11.5	11.6	12.5	9.8	7.8	7.8	10.5	7.1
Dependent of employed person	34.5	34.8	21.9	33.3	31.1	31.0	44.7	16.1
Family subsistence	0.9	0.9	0.0	0.3	2.5	2.5	3.9	1.8
Family business	0.3	0.3	0.0	0.3	0.4	0.4	0.0	1.8
Missionary activities	0.8	0.6	7.3	1.2	0.7	0.6	2.6	5.4
Medical reasons	0.7	0.7	0.0	0.6	0.6	0.6	0.0	0.0
Visiting/vacation	6.2	5.9	22.9	6.3	5.7	5.3	5.3	33.9
Source: 1997 and 2003 Guam Micronesian Surveys

Excluding possible students, most of the migrants, from all three Freely Associated States, came to Guam either for employment, as the spouse of an employed person, or as a dependent of an employed person. Very few people came for any other reason (although 23 percent of the small number of RMI migrants in 2003 and 34 percent of the Palauans in 1997 claimed they came to visit.)

4.4 Social Characteristics

Table 4.11 shows a few social characteristics of the Impact Migrants for 1990 (which, again, includes all migrants), 1997 and 2003. These characteristics include language spoken at home, school attendance, and educational attainment.

Table 4.11. Social Characteristics, Impact Migrants, Guam: 1990, 1997 and 2003
Social	Total			FSM			RMI			Palau
Characteristics	2003	1997	1990	2003	1997	1990	2003	1997	1990	2003	1997

Speak English at home (%)	5.6	15.8	8.1	2.3	15.9	7.6	0.0	6.4	27.9	37.6	24.7
Other language more than English (%)	73.5	89.2	70.2	76.5	89.9	70.2	23.0	88.2	68.2	46.2	45.7

Persons 3+, enrolled	2,931	1,748	779	2,453	1,667	735	72	56	41	406	25
Pre- and Primary School	1,952	1,160	469	1,642	1,114	440	41	36	26	269	10
High school	644	335	159	534	320	155	18	12	4	92	3
College	335	253	151	277	233	140	13	8	11	45	12

Persons 25 + years:
High school Graduates (%)	43.2	48.8	60.0	40.2	47.8	59.7	67.1	85.3	76.9	69.1	77.1
Bachelor's Degrees (%)	1.7	1.5	8.0	1.0	1.3	8.1	3.8	5.9	0.0	8.3	8.3
Females:
High school Graduates (%)	40.0	43.7	57.5	36.8	42.7	57.9	69.4	80.0	25.0	67.1	80.0
Bachelor's Degrees (%)	1.2	1.2	8.2	0.7	0.9	8.3	5.6	6.7	0.0	5.6	15.0
Sources: 1997 and 2003 Guam Micronesian Censuses and 1990 Decennial Census of Guam

Small sample numbers influence the results, as do supervisor-enumerator interaction. Nonetheless, the results for English speaking seem anomalous. The percentage speaking English only at home jumped from 8 percent in 1990 (the decennial census) to 16 percent in the 1997 and then back to 6 percent in 2003. While the 1990 data collection activity was very different from the other two, the 1997 and 2003 operations were identical, so should have obtained similar results. Of course, the results could actually be true, that recent migrants much more than earlier migrants, were not speaking English at home.

The data for the three Freely Associate States also show puzzling results. The percentage speaking only English at home among Palauans increased from about 1 in 4 to more than 1 in 3. While the results for the Marshall Islanders showed that none were speaking English only at home in 2003, with of course knowledge that very few Marshallese were in Guam at the time. The results for FSM mirror those for all groups since they are a substantial part of the total.

Almost 3000 Impact migrants were attending school in 2003, more than 3 times as many as in 1990, and about 50 percent more than in 1997. Of these, about 2/3rds were attending preprimary and primary school, about 1 in 5 were attending high school, and the rest were attending tertiary institutions. As would be expected, the FSM migrants made up the bulk of the migrant attendees.

And the data for the three censuses show an alarming trend in educational attainment. The percentage of high school graduates among the migrants decreased from 60 percent in 1990 to 43 percent in 2003. Part of the decrease can be attributed to less educated migrants following more educated migrants to Guam. Better educated migrants might have continued migrating on to Hawaii and the U.S. mainland, or returned to their home countries – although economic development, except in Palau, has lagged, so this scenario is somewhat unlikely. These data are for people 25 years and over so recent changes in the Freely Associated States’ school systems getting students through cannot be taken into account. Also, older people who did not have access to schools when they were young were among the more recent migrants, so would skew the percentages downward. The results were even lower for females than males.

The percentages being college graduates also decreased drastically, from about 8 percent in 1990 to les than 2 percent in 1997 and 2003. Again, less educated migrants were almost certainly following more educated ones. And, some of the better educated migrants may have returned to the home areas to take jobs, or moved on to Hawaii and the U.S. Mainland.

These data reveal that the outflow of migrants to Guam and the CNMI cannot be called a "brain drain" in the usual census of that term. They also seem to confirm the suspicion that those Micronesians with the best degrees, and thus the brightest prospects for employment, will remain in the FSM and take the best jobs (Hezel and McGrath 1989:62). Those who have left home characteristically have been those with a high school diploma, or perhaps a year or two of college, who would be entering the labor pool in the FSM without the kind of credentials that would have given them a competitive edge in the battle for employment there.

4.5 Economic Characteristics

The numbers of Micronesian Impact migrants 16 years and over more than tripled during the 13 year period – from about 1,800 to 5,600 (Table 4.12). Because the censuses are taken as snapshots – a single point in time – and the reference period is the week before the census, data on labor force participation and unemployment are very susceptible to current conditions at the time of enumeration. Hence, they are greatly affected by conditions within Guam and with respect to the United States, Japan, other Asian countries, and other countries.

Table 4.12. Labor Force Participation of Impact Migrants, Guam: 1990, 1997 and 2003

Labor Force	Total			FSM			RMI			Palau
Characteristics	2003	1997	1990	2003	1997	1990	2003	1997	1990	2003	1997

Persons 16 years and over	5,600	4,144	1,756	5,051	3,997	1,723	114	68	33	435	79
In labor force (%)	61.2	58.6	67.5	61.6	58.6	67.6	54.4	54.4	60.6	59.1	60.8
Unemployed (%)	15.5	13.0	11.1	16.6	13.1	11.0	8.1	13.5	20.0	4.7	8.3
Females 16 years and over	2,766	2,032	769	2,497	1,958	761	54	36	8	215	38
In labor force (%)	47.0	47.1	48.9	47.2	47.1	49.0	38.9	44.4	37.5	46.5	52.6
Unemployed (%)	24.5	18.1	15.4	26.1	18.0	15.3	19.0	25.0	33.3	6.0	15.0

Worked last year (%)	41.4	44.5	54.6	41.0	44.7	54.7	40.4	44.1	51.5	46.4	35.4
Worked whole year (%)	17.4	29.5	29.2	16.8	29.5	29.3	32.5	32.4	27.3	20.2	24.1
Worked full-time (%)	35.2	42.3	49.0	34.8	42.6	49.2	36.8	38.2	39.4	40.0	32.9
Full-time, whole year (%)	15.3	28.4	28.1	14.7	28.4	28.1	31.6	29.4	27.3	17.9	24.1
Sources: 1997 and 2003 Guam Micronesian Censuses and 1990 Decennial Census of Guam

About 68 percent of the migrants were in the labor force in the week before the 1990 Census, compared to 59 percent in 1997 and 61 percent in 2003. Over the same period the percentage unemployed seemed to increase monotonically, from 11 percent in 1990 to 13 percent in 1997, and 16 percent in 2003. Again, it is important to remember that current conditions influence the rates. But it is also true that newer, less educated migrants could well have more problems moving into the labor force, and staying there. And, the unemployment rate includes those who want to work, and who were actively looking – if they were not actively looking, they would not be included in the labor force at all.

The rates of labor force participation for females were lower in each case than for the total population, and held fairly steady across the time periods at just under half of the adult females. Again, the unemployment rate increased over time – from 15 percent in 1990 to 18 percent in 1997, and finally almost 25 percent (1 in 4 of females who wanted to work were unemployed.

Because the FSM migrants were so many more than either Marshalls or Palau, their information paralleled the FAS total, and so will not be discussed separately.

The percentage who worked at any time during the calendar year before the census (1989 for the 1990 census, 1996 for the 1997 survey and 2002 for the 2003 survey) decreased throughout the period – from about 55 percent in 1989 to 44 percent in 1996 and 41 percent in 2002. This “work” included both full-time work (40 hours a week) and part-time work (fewer hours). “Work” was paid work, and was included whether the work was in Micronesia, on Guam, or elsewhere. The percentage who worked the whole year before the census remained constant in 1989 and 1996 (that is, it was the same at both census points, it could have changed in between), before decreasing to only 17 percent in 2002. That is, of the adult Micronesian Impact migrants on Guam in 2003, only 1 in 6 had worked throughout 2002.

For full-time workers – those working around 40 hours per week – the percentage in the year before the census decreased from 49 percent in 1989 to 42 percent in 1996 and 35 percent in 2002. The percentage doing full-time work during the whole year was lower, of course, than the rates for full-time and part-time work together, and showed the same decreases.

Occupational and Industry.

Table 4.13 shows the distribution of workers in the week before the census for 1990, 1997 and 2003. These data exclude those who were unemployed and looking for work, and previously employed, but not current workers. Again, because of the small numbers of Palau and Marshall Islands migrants, discussion of the three areas separately is not included here.

Table 4.13. Occupation, Industry and Class of Worker of Impact Migrants, Guam: 1990, 1997 and 2003

Employment	Total			FSM			RMI			Palau
Characteristics	2003	1997	1990	2003	1997	1990	2003	1997	1990	2003	1997
OCCUPATION:
Management and professional (%)	3.9	3.0	4.2	3.2	2.9	4.2	3.5	6.7	0.0	12.0	7.1
Tech, sales and admin support (%)	15.5	16.4	13.9	14.9	16.3	13.6	12.3	23.3	31.3	22.3	16.7
Service (%)	38.7	47.6	33.2	39.4	47.4	33.6	42.1	53.3	12.5	30.5	52.4
Farming, forestry, and fishing (%)	4.5	4.3	5.1	4.9	4.5	5.2	0.0	0.0	0.0	1.7	0.0
Precision production, crafts (%)	11.9	8.0	13.2	11.5	8.0	12.8	26.3	6.7	37.5	11.6	9.5
Operators, fabric & laborers (%)	25.4	20.5	30.3	25.9	20.9	30.5	15.8	10.0	18.8	21.9	14.3

INDUSTRY:
Retail trade (%)	36.1	37.2	25.3	37.1	37.3	25.4	21.1	40.6	18.8	29.4	34.1
All Services (%)	35.9	32.4	30.3	35.6	32.1	30.4	38.6	50.0	25.0	38.0	36.4
Hotels (%)	13.5	17.4	11.4	13.7	17.0	11.5	15.8	34.4	6.3	10.6	25.0

Private Sector (%)	96.5	90.3	94.7	97.1	90.2	94.6	100.0	90.6	100.0	89.4	93.2
Sources: 1997 and 2003 Guam Micronesian Censuses and 1990 Decennial Census of Guam

Table 4.14 Income Characteristics of Impact Migrants, Guam: 1990, 1997 and 2003

Income	Total			FSM			RMI			Palau
Characteristics	2003	1997	1990	2003	1997	1990	2003	1997	1990	2003	1997

Households	1,713	979	678	1,506	931	647	39	22	30	168	26
Median (dollars)	21,715	12,747	20,332	21,871	12,878	20,069	27,499	12,499	26,428	17,221	9,999
Mean (dollars)	27,158	18,205	27,705	27,343	18,449	27,581	32,839	11,712	31,176	24,183	14,983

Per capita income ($)	4,986	3,371	2,686	4,968	3,371	2,684	5,815	2,521	2,907	4,970	4,399

Poverty Universe	9,831	6,550	4,156	8,709	6,325	4,045	208	123	104	914	102
Below 50 % of poverty level(%)	16.8	46.4	19.0	15.8	46.5	19.1	9.1	40.7	13.5	27.1	49.0
Below poverty (%)	45.2	67.7	34.1	45.2	67.3	34.3	38.5	91.9	26.9	46.2	59.8
Below 125 % poverty level (%)	57.1	75.0	41.6	57.6	74.7	41.8	46.6	97.6	34.6	55.0	66.7
Below 185 % poverty level (%)	80.8	88.5	51.5	81.6	88.5	51.5	83.2	97.6	50.0	72.6	81.4
Sources: 1997 and 2003 Guam Micronesian Censuses and 1990 Decennial Census of Guam

As noted previously, the compact impact Micronesian Migrants on Guam occupied 979 units in 1997 and 1,713 units in 2003. Household and family income is based on the migration status of the householder only. FSM compact impact migrants’ households increased from 931 in 1997 to 1,506 in 2003. Thus, if the householder was an Impact migrant, the whole household was considered Impact even if all of the other members were pre-Compact migrants. Similarly, the household became pre-Compact if the householder arrived before Compact implementation.

The median and mean household incomes have not been adjusted for inflation, and look strange, given what would be expected. The 1990 and 2003 data are about the same, with no adjustment for inflation, which seems strange, and the 1997 dip is also unlikely. The changes in numbers are so drastic, they may be obscuring the figures for the variables.

Since the value decreased over time when not adjusted for inflation, if inflation were applied, the decrease in household income would be even greater. The median household income is that income which divides all household incomes in half, with half earning more than that amount, and half less. The mean income is the average income — the amount found when all income from all households is divided by the number of households. This value is more susceptible to skewing, since values at the edges — very high or very low incomes— have an impact of the mean. The mean household income for post-Compact householder households was higher than the median in both 1989 and 1996, decreasing from $27,700 to $18,200 during the 1990s, and increased sharply to $27,158 in 2003. As

before, the Freely Associated States household incomes were similar to the total Freely Associated States.

Five or six dollars an hour can seem like a regal salary to an islander who has just arrived from a place where the minimum wage may be little more than a dollar an hour. In fact, the high salaries to be made on Guam and in the CNMI are one of the main attractions of these places. Nonetheless, the average Micronesian salary is small by Guam or Saipan standards, and most migrants find themselves hard pressed to stretch their take home pay enough to provide all the necessities. These necessities include the high cost of housing, the need to buy all their food, and the outlay they are required to make for suitable clothes in the workplace.

Even so, the new jobs in Guam (and Hawaii and the CNMI) have created a substantial amount of additional income for the migrants. We need only recall that in 1992 FSM born earned an estimated $28 million on Guam and in 1993 another $10 million in the CNMI. We look at this later in more detail in Chapter 11. The remittances that economic planners have been anticipating since the beginning of the outflow have been slow in coming, though, because of the migrants' set-up needs in Guam and the CNMI. So far the major benefits those at home received from their relatives abroad were the cases of frozen chicken and boxes of secondhand clothing that were being shipped back regularly.

The table also shows per capita income for Micronesian Migrants on Guam. Per capita income is obtained by summing all income for all persons in a category, and then dividing by the number of persons in that category. For example, the per capita income of all Impact migrants was $3,371 in 1996, the year before the 1997 data collection. The $3,371 figure was derived by aggregating all income obtained by post-Compact migrants from all sources, and then dividing by the sum of all the post-Compact migrants. Without adjusting for inflation, the per capita income increased from $2,700 in 1990 to $5,000 in 2003; with inflation, the increase would appear to be less.

Finally, the table also contains data on poverty levels for the Micronesian Migrants. Appendix — has definitions of the poverty universe and poverty levels. Using the US poverty figures for Guam is difficult, even with the non-migrant population, because factors are different — food and housing cost more on Guam, and other factors also distort use of the same measures. Nonetheless, the percent in poverty is high. The table shows the numbers and percentages of persons in poverty in 1989, 1996, and 2002. The poverty universe is composed of persons in households (and excludes those in group quarters); the poverty universe increased from 4,156 to 6,550 during the 7 year period from 1989 to 1996, and in 2002, the poverty universe grew to 9,831. FSM compact impact migrant’s universe continued to expand by two-fold while Palau grew by 812 persons in 2002.The percentage of persons in poverty increased from 34 percent in 1989 to 68 percent in 1996. The table also shows percentages for different levels of poverty. The percentage of all FAS compact impact migrants below 50 percent of poverty level decreased sharply from 46 percent in 1996 to 17 percent in 2002. FSM compact impact migrants below 50 percent of poverty level dropped from 47 percent in 1996 to 16 percent in 2002. Similarly, Marshall compact impact migrants also went from 41 percent in 1996 to 9 percent in 2002.

Conclusions. This chapter summarized some of the trends in population items from the recent censuses of Micronesian migrants to Guam. Fuller information is available in the basic tables. Also, while information from the 2000 Census is shown in Chapter 16, more information is available on the Census Bureau’s website – www.census.gov – and the Pacific web site – www.pacificweb.org.

The percentage of never married adults decreased precipitously during the 5 years, indicating more married couples in the Impact migrant pool. The trend in proportions never married has been generally downward, except in the 1995 census, but the population considered may have been different in that enumeration (all migrants considered together).

Citizenship. Table 5.2 shows the percentages of Impact migrants being U.S. Citizens. The percentage of U.S. migrants being citizens was 43 percent in 2003, up from 34 percent in 1998. This percentage would seem especially large, but it must be remembered that all children of migrants are included as Impact migrants, even if they are born in a U.S. territory. In 2003, males were more likely than females to be U.S. citizens (45 percent for the males and 41 percent for the females), the distribution between the sexes being similar to that seen in 1998, but with subsequent increases in percentages. Since the included population doubled in the period, about 50 percent for the FSM migrants, and much more for the Palauans, the increase is particularly significant, indicating large numbers of children being born to the migrants while on Saipan (or Guam).

More than half the Impact residents from RMI and Palau were U.S. Citizens compared to more than 1 in 3 of the FSM migrants. Females from the FSM were much less likely to be citizens than males.

Reasons for Migrating. Table 5.3 shows data on reason for migrating to the CNMI from the Freely Associated States. As would be expected, the largest number (and percent) of migrants came for employment. The percentage coming for employment increased by 10 percentage points during 5 year period, from 32 percent in 1998 to 42 percent in 2003.

Very small numbers came from RMI, so their percents do not align well with the other two Freely Associated States. About half of the Marshallese came as dependents of employed people in 2003 – but this figure was only 25 people. As noted, about 42 percent of the total in 2003 came for employment, another 4 percent were spouses of employed, and about 1 in 4 were other dependents of employed people. Hence, about 3 in every 4 of the migrants came for employment, either for themselves, or as a dependent. Unlike in the data for Guam (Chapter 4) and Hawaii (Chapter 6), very few Impact migrants came to the CNMI for schooling; however, of those in the CNMI, of course, many were in the CNMI school system, since, again, the median age was 16, so many children were present.

5.4 Social Characteristics

The surveys provided two general categories of items to measure changing social conditions among the Impact migrants – language spoken at home and its use, and education in the forms of school attendance and educational attainment. The data for recent censuses and surveys are summarized in Table 5.4. It is important to remember that data from the 1990 and 1995 censuses are not completely compatible with data from the surveys, so should be used with caution in looking at trends. Most of the analysis here will focus on the two surveys.

About 23 percent of the Impact migrants 5 years and over in 2003 spoke only English at home, up about 4 percentage points from the 19 percent in 1998. Impact migrants from the Marshall Islands and Palau were more likely to speak English at home than were the FSM migrants. Of those who spoke a language other than English at home, about 3 in every 4 spoke that language – presumably their “local” language – more than they spoke English. This percentage was somewhat higher than what was recorded for 1998. Again, those from FSM were the most likely to speak their other language more than English – about 4 in every 5 did – than those from the Marshall Islands (about 2 in 3), and Palau (less than half).

The data on school enrollment show that the number of Impact migrants attending school doubled during the 5 year period, with all three levels showing vast increased. That is, primary school, secondary school, and college enrollments all doubled during the 5 year period. However, most of the increase came from the Palauans, and this was because of the definitions of Impact migrants – post-Compact migration and all children. Other measures would produce different results.

And, finally, the percentage of Impact migrant high school and college graduates 25 years and over increased during the 5-year period, although these figures were skewed by the additional Palauans in the data set. The percent of high school graduates for FMS decreased by 5 points during the period, while the percentage of college graduates increased slightly. The percentages for females paralleled those for the total Impact population.

Economic Characteristics. The censuses and the surveys follow the U.S. Census Bureau’s standard practice of collecting labor force participation both for employment status in the week before the census and in the calendar year preceding the census or survey. Table 5.5 shows some of the results from the recent enumerations.

As noted in the previous chapter on Guam’s labor force participation, these data are very dependent on the overall economic situation at the time of the enumeration. Because CNMI’s economy has been so dependent on just two industries – garments and tourism – over the last two decades, the post-Compact period, labor force participation, occupation and industry, and income and poverty have been even more susceptible to large fluctuations than in more stable economies.

The percentage in the labor force for CNMI’s Impact Micronesians increased only from 61 to 62 percent during the 5 years between the 1998 and 2003 surveys. The unemployment rate, however, leaped from 5 percent to 18 percent during the period. The female numbers were similar, labor force participation increasing from 48 percent to 54 percent and unemployment from 4 to 18 percent during the period. The numbers for the FSM were similar, those for Marshallese and Palauans differed somewhat because of their much smaller numbers.

The percentage of the adult Impact migrants who worked during the year before the enumeration decreased from 56 percent in 1997 to 50 percent in 2002, and those who worked the whole year decreased from 37 to 29 percent, showing the declining fortunes of the CNMI economy in general, and probably specifically the decline in both the garment and tourism industries. The percentage who worked full-time decreased from 54 percent in 1996 to 47 percent in 2002, indicating that most of the Impact workers were full-time workers. The full-time year-round workers showed similar percentages to all year-round workers, substantiating this finding.

Occupational and Industry. Because of the influence of the garment factories on CNMI employment, the percentage of Impact workers being “producers” and “operators and laborers” predominated. More than half the workers in both 1998 and 2003 were “operators, fabricators, and laborers”, basically the garment industry (Table 5.6). The percentage in these occupations actually increased during the 5 years between the enumerations.

Otherwise, the distribution of occupations among the Impact migrants changed very little over the period. The second largest occupation group was technicians and administration support workers in both surveys, with service occupations coming in third in both cases.

Again, although we are showing two industry categories (with the hotels being a subset of all services), these data show little change in the service industries, but a large decrease in the percent of Impact migrants working in retail trade. The numbers appear with more detailed categories in the basic tables.

Finally, almost all Impact migrants worked in the private sector in both 1998 and 2003. The percentage did decrease from 92 percent to 89 percent over the 5 year period, indicating some movement of Impact migrants from the private to the public sectors. For all of the employment data, we see the FSM data being similar to the total data because that Freely Associated State has so many of the Impact Migrants, even with the relatively large increases in the Palau born population included among the Impact Migrants because of the time between their Compact implementation and the 1998 and 2003 surveys.

Income and Poverty. Finally, table 5.7 shows data for income and poverty for the CNMI Impact migrant populations over the 13 year period. For the surveys, we find that the median household income increased from $13,400 to $19,100 during the period from 1997 (the full year before the 1998 survey) to 2002, unadjusted for inflation. Once again, the median household income divides the households in half, half with more income, half with less income in the calendar year before the survey. The mean household income, the average obtained from the aggregate household incomes divided by all households, also increased during the period, from $19,600 to $23,700, again not adjusted for inflation.

The per capita, on the other hand, decreased during the 5 year period, from about $5,300 in 1997 to $4,200 in 2002. This decrease was due to the larger number of households and persons in the CNMI in 2003 than 1998 – the number of households increased from 237 to 590 during the period by the definitions used to determine Impact migrant households in the two surveys; the increase was due almost entirely to the inclusion of about 180 new Palauan households as more Palauans became Impact migrant households. The Palauan decrease in per capita income also shows the increase in inclusion of more, poorer Palau households.

And, finally, the percentage of Impact migrants in poverty decreased considerably during the 5 period, from about 58 percent in 1997 to 49 percent in 2002. Still, when half of a population is below the U.S. poverty, governments should be concerned, even if living standards in the CNMI are lower. All levels of poverty saw similar decreases over the 5 year period.

Conclusions. While the CNMI had many more of what are now Freely Associated States born during the 1960s and 1970s, the high point of the Trust Territory administration, the Commonwealth has received fewer Impact migrants than Guam. Part of the reason for this differential migration is the closer proximity of Guam to the FAS, particularly to Chuuk, which has many workers and family members practicing circular mobility. These residents go home once a month or so on what used to be called “turn around” flights (although Continental Airlines had many fewer of those in recent years as more migrants become permanently entrenched in Guam and CNMI). Part of the reason fewer Impact migrants go to CNMI than Guam is the smaller diversity of jobs and the smaller total number of jobs. Part of the reason is the smaller population in the CNMI limiting school, health, and recreational activities than on Guam. As Hawaii and the mainland U.S. become more attractive to the Impact migrants, again because of diversity of jobs and lower living standards, even fewer migrants may take the opportunity to move to the closer islands.

CHAPTER 6

NUMBERS AND CHARACTERISTICS OF MICRONESIAN MIGRANTS IN HAWAII

6.1 Demography

The data for the State of Hawaii differ from those of Guam and the CNMI because census information is available from fewer sources. The 1997 Census of Micronesian Migrants to Hawaii was the first survey of Micronesian migrants. Until then, OIA and the Census Bureau counterparts felt that the per capita costs of doing a survey in Hawaii would be prohibited, given the available funds. Also, unlike Guam, which was a single island, and CNMI, where most of the Migrants lived in Saipan (and the Micronesians on Rota and Tinian could be enumerated over a weekend by a single enumerator), Hawaii presented enormous logistical problems: sizable numbers of Micronesians lived on Oahu, the Big Island, and Maui, and smaller numbers lived on Kauai and Molokai, with a few also working the pineapple plantations on Lanai.

The State of Hawaii requested a second survey in 1999, which OIA funded. However, unlike in the first instance, problems in obtaining appropriate supervisors and in collecting data on the neighbor islands obscured the results. The data are still available for analysis, however. The next survey, in 2003, also had significant data collection problems. As noted in the earlier chapters, all data collection activities in the CNMI are centered in the Central Statistics Office by law and the Government of Guam eventually provided the University of Guam’s Extension Service as an excellent point of contact for the collection activities. However, at the time of the 2003 survey, the State of Hawaii had no counterpart agency, so the Pacific Basic Development Council provided technical assistance; certain legal requirements made it difficult to make changes after the contract was put in place, particularly expansion of the survey to the neighbor islands, so that a shorter questionnaire had to be used, and the earlier logistical problems of 1997 and 1999 became far worse in 2003 – for a variety reasons.

The 1980, 1990 and 2000 U.S. Censuses collected information on Micronesians in Hawaii using items on Race and Ancestry. No data became available for Micronesians in Hawaii or the other states from the 1980 and 1990 censuses. For 2000, however, the Census Bureau compiled tables, both by race and by birthplace, and summaries of those data by race included Hawaii separately. Some of the results are shown in chapter 16 of this report. But it is important to note that, in general, using Census Bureau data is difficult for the purposes of obtaining appropriate counts and characteristics of the Micronesian migrant populations. For example, decennial Census data are collected for most of the population by self-enumeration; that is, the questionnaire arrives in the mail, is filled by the respondent and then is returned by mail. In the 1990 Census, most Micronesian respondents received a questionnaire asking them to choose from one of 17 selected racial categories and requesting a write-in entry. Most selected the closest category, "Other Asian and Pacific Islander”, but many then reported a general write-in category, such as "Pacific Islander” or "Micronesian”, rather than giving a specific state or country of origin, such as Chuukese or Marshallese. Thus, the 1990 Census data permitted neither trend analysis of the numbers of Micronesians nor assessments about their characteristics. The 2000 Census was similar, although in this recent census, Pacific Islanders were separated from Asians for the first time.

For the analytical purposes of this report, only the 1997 and 2003 Censuses of Micronesian Migrants to Hawaii will be used. Also, as in the previous chapters, we have made a decision to include “Impact migrants” – those who migrated after 1986 or who were the children of migrants – in the tables in this chapter. The Impact migrants are those that concern the Office of Insular Affairs in its reporting, those who are required by law to be enumerated and tallied for impact of the Compacts, so they will be the focus here.

Table 6.1 shows some demographic characteristics of the Micronesian Impact migrants. Refer to the previous report (Levin, 1999) and to the basic tables for the 1997-1998 and 2003 Censuses in published form or on the www.pacificweb.org website for analysis of pre-compact vs. post-compact migrants. The 2003 survey counted 7,297 Impact migrants (post-compact migrants and all children), an increase of 32 percent over the 6 year period. All three Freely Associated States countries showed increases in population during the period. Because males are more likely to migrate internationally than females, it is not unusual for a migrant community to be male oriented, especially in the initial stages of its establishment. This male dominance is especially likely if the primary motive for emigration is economic opportunity; because females tend to migrate either as dependents of male migrants or, if male migration precedes female migration, family-reunification flows subsequently. The main reason for Micronesian migration to Hawaii was either for employment or education (which can be seen as a precursor to employment). Thus, a pattern of male surpluses could be seen in the Hawaiian Micronesian community in the first survey; however, within the 6 year period, the sex ratio changed from more male to more female.

Table 6.1: Demographic Characteristics of Impact Migrants, Hawaii: 1997 and 2003

Characteristic		Total		FSM		RMI		Palau
		1997	2003	1997	2003	1997	2003	1997	2003
	Total Population	5,509	7,297	3,312	4,493	2,070	2,598	127	206
Males		52.2	49.4	54.8	49.3	48.0	49.5	53.5	51.9
Females		47.8	50.6	45.2	50.7	52.0	50.5	46.5	48.1
Sex Ratio		109.1	97.8	121.1	97.2	92.2	97.9	115.3	108.1
Median Age		21.8	22.5	22.9	22.5	20.0	22.5	21.1	22.5

Less than 15 years		29.8	32.7	27.3	0.0	35.1	0.6	7.1	2.4
15 to 29 years		47.1	38.2	48.1	1.6	43.8	3.0	74.8	26.7
30 to 44 years		15.4	18.3	17.5	2.8	12.2	2.3	12.6	29.1
45 to 59 years		5.2	7.3	4.7	0.6	6.0	1.0	5.5	24.8
60 years and over		2.5	3.5	2.4	0.0	2.9	0.3	0.0	10.7

Males 15+ Never Married		41.4	59.8	45.5	58.5	31.7	60.0	72.1	79.2
Females 15+ Never Married		34.4	53.1	33.1	51.1	33.6	54.3	79.7	78.2

	Households	1,378	1,518	910	942	432	490	36	86
Persons per Household		4.00	4.83	3.64	4.77	4.79	5.32	3.53	2.48
Persons per Family		5.98	5.90	5.80	5.69	6.23	6.23	7.06	7.10
Source: Censuses of Micronesian Migrants to Hawaii, Guam and CNMI.

For other demographic characteristics, the median age increased by less than one year – from 21.8 to 22,5 years – although the population distribution also spreads out – with a larger percentages of young people less than 15 years old and older people over 45 years old. These figures show the movement of families to Hawaii (changing from more single people in the earlier enumeration), and parents and children – as well more children of immigrants. The percentage of never married males and females also increased, which may be showing delay of marriage as people get settled into jobs and lengthened schooling before marriage. While the number of households increased, the household size also increased by about one person per household.

6.2 Citizenship and Residency Status

As the population of Hawaii Micronesian migrants increased, so did the percentage being citizens, from 14 percent in 1997 to 17 percent in 2003 (Table 6.2). Since the FSM migrants were the largest group, they also influenced the percentage being citizens, increasing, as the total did, from 14 percent to 17 percent during the 6 years. Marshallese increased from 13 percent to 16 percent, while about 12 percent of Palauans were citizens in both years.

Table 6.2. Citizenship Status of Impact Migrants, Hawaii: 1997 and 2003
	Total		FSM		RMI		Palau
Characteristics	1997	2003	1997	2003	1997	2003	1997	2003
Total Population	5,509	7,297	3,312	4,493	2,070	2,598	127	206
U.S. Citizens	748	1,218	475	783	258	411	15	24
Percent	13.6	16.7	14.3	17.4	12.5	15.8	11.8	11.7
Non-citizens	4,761	6,079	2,837	3,710	1,812	2,187	112	182
Permanent Residents	2,665	4,675	1,293	2,936	1,342	1,599	30	140
Percent	56.0	76.9	45.6	79.1	74.1	73.1	26.8	76.9
Source: Censuses of Micronesian Migrants to Hawaii, Guam and CNMI.

Of the non-residents, the majority was “permanent” residents, rather than self-defined temporary residents. While permanent residence, in this context, is not a legal term, the responses do indicate the likelihood that the respondents will remain in the United States over the long term. In 1997, about 56 percent of the Hawaii Impact migrants self-defined themselves as permanent residents, but 6 years later, about 77 percent on the migrants were in this category. These migrants included about 80 percent of the FSM migrants, 73 percent of the Marshallese, and 77 percent of the Palauans; so about 4 in every 5 FAS migrants to Hawaii intended to stay in the States.

In the previous report, this table also showed short term migration, using the U.S. Census Bureau’s item on residence 5 years before the census. For various reasons, the item was changed to residence in 1993, so 10 years before the census, rather than 5 years before the census, so this item can not be used for trends analysis. However, people wanting to see migration flows over the 10 years before the census, can use the data in the basic tables from their own analyses.

6.3 Reasons for Migrating

Table 6.3 shows the reasons for migrating by sex for the periods. The number of migrants included in this question is different because it includes only those who answered the item. The item could not be edited, given the large number of “others”, unknowns, and blanks. Note that about half of the respondents gave some “other” answer. Of the categories actually selected, the largest – in both 1997 and 2003 was “employment”, followed by “dependent of employed”. Few people immigrated to Hawaii for any other stated reason. These numbers are difficult to assess. It would probably be wise to split the question into a series of items for the 2008 Micronesian survey round.

Table 6.3: Reasons for Migrating by Sex for Impact Migrants, Hawaii: 1997 and 2003

Reason for Migrating		Total		FSM		RMI		Palau
		1997	2003	1997	2003	1997	2003	1997	2003
	All migrants	4,815	6,332	2,853	3,909	1,839	2,232	123	191
	Employment	15.6	18.2	21.6	22.9	6.6	10.7	9.8	9.9
	Spouse of Employed	3.6	4.4	2.3	4.1	5.7	5.2	2.4	0.5
	Dependent of Employed	11.4	15.1	7.9	15.9	17.4	14.2	4.9	8.9
	Family Subsistence	0.6	1.3	0.6	0.9	0.7	2.2	0.0	0.0
	Family Business	0.2	0.1	0.1	0.2	0.3	0.0	0.8	0.0
	Missionary Activities	1.1	0.4	0.3	0.1	2.4	0.9	0.0	0.0
	Medical Reasons	6.8	10.3	5.0	8.5	9.8	14.1	4.1	4.7
	Visiting or Vacation	10.9	4.7	9.1	5.0	14.3	4.2	2.4	2.6
	Other (including school)	49.8	45.5	53.1	42.4	42.9	48.4	75.6	73.3

Male migrants		2,503	3,098	1,574	1,906	864	1,093	65	99
	Employment	22.3	23.7	28.3	28.5	11.6	16.4	18.5	12.1
	Spouse of Employed	0.5	0.5	0.1	0.4	1.3	0.5	0.0	0.0
	Dependent of Employed	9.9	14.9	5.5	15.4	18.1	14.5	6.2	9.1
	Family Subsistence	0.1	0.9	0.2	0.4	0.0	1.7	0.0	0.0
	Family Business	0.1	0.1	0.0	0.1	0.2	0.0	1.5	0.0
	Missionary Activities	1.1	0.4	0.4	0.1	2.5	1.0	0.0	0.0
	Medical Reasons	5.6	8.8	3.6	6.9	9.5	12.7	3.1	2.0
	Visiting or Vacation	9.1	3.9	7.6	4.0	12.5	3.8	1.5	2.0
	Other (including school)	51.3	46.9	54.3	44.2	44.3	49.2	69.2	74.7

Female migrants		2,312	3,234	1,279	2,003	975	1,139	58	92
	Employment	8.3	13.0	13.4	17.6	2.3	5.3	0.0	7.6
	Spouse of Employed	6.9	8.1	5.0	7.5	9.5	9.7	5.2	1.1
	Dependent of Employed	13.1	15.4	10.7	16.5	16.8	14.0	3.4	8.7
	Family Subsistence	1.1	1.8	1.0	1.4	1.2	2.6	0.0	0.0
	Family Business	0.3	0.1	0.2	0.2	0.3	0.0	0.0	0.0
	Missionary Activities	1.1	0.3	0.2	0.1	2.3	0.8	0.0	0.0
	Medical Reasons	8.1	11.8	6.7	9.9	10.1	15.5	5.2	7.6
	Visiting or Vacation	12.9	5.4	11.0	6.0	15.9	4.6	3.4	3.3
	Other (including school)	48.2	44.0	51.7	40.7	41.6	47.6	82.8	71.7
Source: Censuses of Micronesian Migrants to Hawaii, Guam and CNMI.

6.4 Social Characteristics

Table 6.4 shows figures for selected social characteristics in 1997 and 2003. The number of people 5 years and over increased by about 150 persons during the 6 years. For whatever reason, the percentage of English-only speakers decreased between 1997 and 2003, from 22 percent of the population to 9 percent. Several reasons could cause this change: it is possible that speakers of English moved on to the U.S. mainland during the period – a rigorous survey of stateside migrants would help here. It is also possible that migrants who were speaking English only at home were speaking more vernacular 6 years later. Or, new arrivals spoke only the native language at home and in the community, and the rest of the community accommodated them. Also, the question may have been phrased differently, or the supervisors may have interpreted the materials differently; the same initial materials were used for both surveys, so the results should have been comparable.

Table 6.4: Language Use, School Enrollment and Educational Attainment of Impact Migrants, Hawaii: 1997 and 2003

Characteristics		Total		FSM		RMI		Palau
		1997	2003	1997	2003	1997	2003	1997	2003
	Persons 5+ Years	4,851	5,015	2,888	3,192	1,839	1,669	124	154

Language Use (5+ Years)
	Speak English at Home	22.1	8.6	24.5	8.3	17.8	6.8	29.8	34.4
	Speak Other Language at Home
	More Frequently than English	59.0	75.4	50.0	71.3	73.9	84.6	46.8	49.5

School Enrollment
	Persons 3+ Years, Enrolled	1,714	2,200	896	1,256	753	841	65	103
	Public Elementary School	692	1,028	305	614	381	405	6	9
	Public High School	449	425	202	194	217	218	30	13
	College/University	487	460	347	330	115	118	25	68

Educational Attainment (Cumulative Percent)
	Total, 25+ years	2,066	3,138	1,369	2,034	664	1,021	33	83
Percent high school graduates		55.0	53.1	60.7	55.3	43.1	46.0	57.6	86.7
Percent college graduates		1.2	2.7	1.6	2.9	0.5	1.3	0.0	16.9

	Males 25+ Years	1,129	1,511	792	1,010	317	456	20	45
Percent high school graduates		60.1	58.0	63.5	59.1	50.8	52.6	75.0	88.9
Percent college graduates		1.3	3.1	1.8	2.9	0.3	1.8	0.0	22.2

	Females 25+ Years	937	1,627	577	1,024	347	565	13	38
Percent high school graduates		48.8	48.5	56.8	51.5	36.0	40.7	30.8	84.2
Percent college graduates		1.1	2.3	1.4	2.8	0.6	0.9	0.0	10.5

Source: Censuses of Micronesian Migrants to Hawaii, Guam and CNMI.

Of those speaking a language other than English, again usually the language of the islands they left, about 6 in 10 spoke that language more often than English in the home in 1997, but this figure jumped to 3 in 4 in 2003, another unusual jump, unless the newer migrants were much less likely to speak English, and influenced the earlier migrants as well.

As noted, English is increasingly spoken at home, and this trend is certainly likely to continue, more in Hawaii than on Guam and in the CNMI since contact with home increases with closer spatial distance. And, those on the US Mainland are likely to become English-only speakers even earlier. While on their U.S. Mainland tour, Hezel and Solomon found: “Young people seemed to have understood the local language when they were spoken to, and they have all learned songs and hymns in an island language, but they did not feel comfortable speaking it. Acculturation happens quickly in the US mainland, much more rapidly, I suspect, than in Hawaii or Guam” (2006:9).

School enrollment experienced a significant jump during the 6 year period, partly due to the increasing number and percentage of young people. The number enrolled increased from 1,714 in 1997 to 2,200 in 2003, an increase of 28 percent. The numbers in public elementary schools increased by over 300 to more than 1000, but the number enrolled in high schools and colleges decreased during the period.

Unfortunately, also, while the number of people 25 years and over increased by over 1,000 during the 6 year period, percentages of high school graduates among the post-Compact migrants and their children decreased. The percentage being high school graduates decreased by 2 percentage points, from 55 to 53. However, the percentage of college graduates increased during the period, from 1.2 percent in 1997 to 2.7 percent in 2003. Unfortunately, these figures are still very low (and the decrease in the percentage of high school graduates also indicates difficulties in bringing up the college graduate levels. The Palau numbers for 1997 are undoubtedly incorrect, but the 17 percent figure for 2003 is probably correct, and is encouraging. About 3 percent of the FSM adults had college degrees, but only about one percent of the Marshallese. Males were more likely than females to be high school graduates, while the numbers of college graduates were very small for analysis.

Hilda Heine (2002) has written a very useful paper on educational attainment of Micronesians in Hawaii. Education is important to Micronesians, and many move to Hawaii, and, particularly to the U.S. Mainland, to make sure that the children can take advantage of the better schools available:

Education was a very high priority for nearly all the people we met. Indeed, many had moved to the US in the first place, they told us, not just to obtain employment but to secure a quality education for their children. As with immigrants in the past, the educational attainments of the younger generation will soon outdistance those of their elders. Repeatedly we heard of sons and daughters receiving advanced training as lawyers, doctors, pharmacists and accountants. (Hezel and Solomon 2006:21).

6.5 Labor Force Participation

Table 6.5 shows labor force characteristics for the two points in time – population 16 years and over increased from 3,776 to 4,757, and increase of about 1,000 post-compact migrants and children during the period. While the percentage in the labor force, using U.S. standards stayed about the same over the period (although it showed a large increase for the RMI and Palau migrants, but a decrease for the FSM migrants). The percentage unemployed decreased, especially for the Palauans and Marshallese; the average was a 5 percentage point drop, about one-third over the period – from 17 percent in 1997 to 11 percent in 2003, still high by U.S. standards. The percentage in the labor force in 2003 was highest for Palauans – at 6 in every 10 adults, and lowest for Marshallese, at just 1 in 3. And, the percentage unemployed was lowest for Palauans (5 percent) and highest for Marshallese (12 percent).

Table 6.5. Labor Force Characteristics of Impact Migrants aged 16 years and over, Hawaii: 1997 and 2003

Characteristics		Total		FSM		RMI		Palau
		1997	2003	1997	2003	1997	2003	1997	2003
	Total Population	3,776	4,757	2,373	2,982	1,293	1,597	110	178
	In the Labor Force	44.6	44.0	52.5	48.9	29.9	32.9	48.2	60.1
	Unemployed	16.9	11.1	12.8	11.2	28.0	12.2	30.2	4.7

	Worked Last Year	40.0	35.2	46.2	39.0	28.2	26.4	45.5	50.0
	Worked Whole Year	19.7	12.8	23.7	16.5	12.2	4.6	21.8	23.6
	Worked Full-Time	30.9	29.5	35.0	33.6	23.7	21.0	27.3	36.0
	Worked Whole Year, Full-Time	16.1	11.4	18.9	14.9	10.9	4.1	17.3	18.0

Males 16+ Years		1,998	2,314	1,352	1,454	589	768	57	92
	In the Labor Force	57.2	52.3	62.5	54.5	46.2	47.3	45.6	59.8
	Unemployed	7.5	4.5	5.6	4.7	11.2	4.3	12.3	1.1

	Worked Last Year	50.0	44.3	53.9	46.1	42.4	40.2	36.8	47.8
	Worked Whole Year	24.7	15.1	28.4	19.1	16.8	6.8	17.5	20.7
	Worked Full-Time	40.3	37.9	42.9	40.2	36.0	33.5	24.6	38.0
	Worked Whole Year, Full-Time	20.9	14.0	23.6	17.7	15.3	6.5	15.8	17.4

Females 16+ Years		1,778	2,443	1,021	1,528	704	829	53	86
	In the Labor Force	30.5	36.1	39.3	43.6	16.2	19.7	50.9	60.5
	Unemployed	7.6	5.3	8.2	6.2	6.0	3.7	17.0	4.7

	Worked Last Year	28.8	26.6	35.9	32.2	16.3	13.6	56.6	52.3
	Worked Whole Year	14.1	10.6	17.4	14.1	8.4	2.7	26.4	26.7
	Worked Full-Time	20.4	21.4	24.6	27.2	9.2	9.5	30.2	33.7
	Worked Whole Year, Full-Time	10.7	8.9	12.6	12.2	7.2	1.8	18.9	18.6
Source: Censuses of Micronesian Migrants to Hawaii, Guam and CNMI.

For work in the previous calendar year – 1996 for the 1997 survey, and 2002 for the 2003 survey – the numbers differ. About 40 percent of the FAS worked at some time in 1996 compared to only 35 percent in 2002. And, of those who worked in the year before the census, the percentage working the whole year (that is, of all potential workers) was 20 percent in 1996 but only 13 percent in 2002, showing that very few workers actually worked the whole year. The percentage working full time was even lower, of course, but remained about the same – about 3 in 10 in both 1996 and 2002; the percentage who worked the full time the whole year, however, decreased from 16 percent in 1996 to 11 percent in 2002. Hence, only about 1 in 6 Micronesian migrant adults worked full-time year-round in 1996 to a bit more than 1 in 10 in 2002; part of the small numbers can be contributed to problems for initial migrants in getting employment, or coming from the sending countries without recent employment, but some of it is clearly difficulty getting, and then maintaining, employment.

As with other characteristics, Marshallese generally had lower rates of labor force participation than the other countries. Only about 1 in 10 Marshallese worked full-time year-round in 1996 compared to 1 in 5 in 2002, compared to over 1 in 7 for both periods for the Palauans and decreases from 19 percent to 15 percent for FSM migrant adults.

As would be expected, male labor force participation was greater than for females at all levels, and, generally, for all three sending countries.

6.6 Occupation

Table 6.6 shows the distributions of employment in 1997 and 2003 for the Micronesian migrants to Hawaii. About 1,384 Micronesian migrants were employed in 1997, but about 1,780 in 2003, an increase of about 30 percent. The table does not show the actual numbers, but they can be derived either by multiplying the percents or in the basic tables on the website. About 1 in every 3 employed Micronesian migrants were doing service occupations in both 1997 and 2003. The next largest occupation group was clerical and sales with about 1 in 4 of employed migrants in both 1997 and 2003. The third largest group was “operators, fabricators, and laborers” which decreased from 14 percent in 1997 to 11 percent in 2003. Only about 1 in every 5 employed were professionals or managers.

Table 6.6: Occupation of Impact Migrants, Hawaii: 1997 and 2003

Occupation		Total		FSM		RMI		Palau
		1997	2003	1997	2003	1997	2003	1997	2003
	Total employed 16+	1,384	1,780	1,076	1,237	273	442	35	101
	Professional/Technical/Managerial	5.0	5.8	4.8	6.2	5.5	3.4	5.7	11.9
	Clerical/Sales	26.1	26.1	27.2	28.9	19.8	18.1	40.0	26.7
	Services	31.7	34.8	31.7	36.8	31.5	32.4	34.3	20.8
	Agriculture/Forestry/Fishing	8.6	7.4	9.3	8.2	7.0	6.1	0.0	4.0
	Precision Production/Crafts	7.4	9.0	6.2	5.4	12.5	15.8	5.7	22.8
	Operators/Fabricators/Laborers	14.2	11.2	14.4	9.5	14.7	16.7	2.9	7.9
	All Others	7.0	5.7	6.3	5.0	9.2	7.5	11.4	5.9

Employed Males 16+ Years		985	1,078	764	701	202	323	19	54
	Professional/Technical/Managerial	4.9	4.1	5.4	4.4	3.0	1.9	5.3	13.0
	Clerical/Sales	14.3	15.6	13.5	16.1	16.8	13.6	21.1	20.4
	Services	35.1	35.3	35.7	37.8	31.2	32.5	52.6	20.4
	Agriculture/Forestry/Fishing	11.5	11.0	12.8	13.1	7.4	7.4	0.0	5.6
	Precision Production/Crafts	10.2	11.0	8.4	7.1	16.8	18.0	10.5	20.4
	Operators/Fabricators/Laborers	18.0	15.8	18.5	14.4	17.8	18.9	0.0	14.8
	All Others	6.1	7.1	5.8	7.0	6.9	7.7	10.5	5.6

Employed Females 16+ Years		399	702	312	536	71	119	16	47
	Professional/Technical/Managerial	5.3	8.5	3.5	8.6	12.7	7.6	6.3	10.6
	Clerical/Sales	55.1	42.3	60.9	45.7	28.2	30.3	62.5	34.0
	Services	23.3	33.9	21.8	35.4	32.4	31.9	12.5	21.3
	Agriculture/Forestry/Fishing	1.5	1.9	0.6	1.7	5.6	2.5	0.0	2.1
	Precision Production/Crafts	0.8	5.8	1.0	3.2	0.0	10.1	0.0	25.5
	Operators/Fabricators/Laborers	4.8	4.1	4.5	3.0	5.6	10.9	6.3	0.0
	All Others	9.3	3.4	7.7	2.4	15.5	6.7	12.5	6.4
Source: Censuses of Micronesian Migrants to Hawaii, Guam and CNMI.

The number of employed male workers increased by about 100 during the 6 year period, but the number of females increased from about 400 to 700, indicating greatly increased female employment (although these numbers are still small.) In 1997, more than half the females were in clerical and sales, compared to just over 4 in 10 in 2003, while the percentage in services increased by 10 percentage points during the period. For males, the percentages, like the total numbers, remained relatively constant over the 6 years. More than 1 in 3 were in services, followed by “operators, fabricators, and laborers” and “clerical and sales” in each case.

It is useful to note that Micronesian migrants to Hawaii have many more economic possibilities than do those going to CNMI and Guam, simply because the variety of jobs increases with population and with economic development. Of course, those going to the mainland, depending on skill, see even more economic diversity. Still, as Hezel and Solomon note in their recent report many are doing quite well by sending country standards:

To their credit, many of the Micronesians we met were doing far better than just getting by. Serlino Harper, a young Chuukese, came to Hawaii more than ten years ago and lived with his older brother for a while before striking out on his own. His first job was as an employee at McKinley’s Car Wash.^{^[5]} Today he is the supervisor of the car wash, which employs more than a dozen other Chuukese, and he lives in a small studio apartment with his pet cat. Xavier Fethal from Ulithi, married and with a family of six, has a good job selling medical supplies to hotels and still finds the time to play guitar in a local band and maintain a steady involvement in community activities. Bruce Musrasrik, born in Pohnpei but a resident of Honolulu for several years, manages one of the hotels in Waikiki. Then, too, there is Lubuw Falenruw, a Yapese, one of the most publicized success stories of Micronesians in Hawaii. He is owner of a computer graphics company that employs some 20 people, nets millions each year, and is famous throughout the state for its innovative displays. (2006:6)

6.7 Industry

Table 6.7 shows the distribution of employed impact migrants by industrial category. About half of all Micronesian migrants in both 1997 and 2003 were in retail trade, and another 1 in 4 were in service industries. The remaining 1 in 4 were divided among all the other industries, so Micronesian migrants were heavily concentrated in those first two industries, neither of which has the high, traditional status of public administration. Only about 6 percent of the employed in 1997 were in public administration, and this figure decreased to about 3 percent in 2003.

Table 6.7: Industry of Impact Migrants, Hawaii: 1997 and 2003

Industry		Total		FSM		RMI		Palau
		1997	2003	1997	2003	1997	2003	1997	2003
	Total employed 16+	1,401	1,670	1,086	1,153	278	427	37	90
	Agriculture	12.6	7.7	14.9	8.5	5.4	6.1	0.0	4.4
	Mining	0.0	0.1	0.0	0.0	0.0	0.2	0.0	0.0
	Construction	1.1	2.0	1.2	1.2	0.7	4.2	0.0	2.2
	Manufacturing	2.4	0.4	2.3	0.4	3.2	0.2	0.0	0.0
	Transportation/Communication	3.5	3.5	3.0	2.8	5.4	5.9	2.7	2.2
	Wholesale Trade	0.2	0.1	0.0	0.2	1.1	0.0	0.0	0.0
	Retail Trade	46.9	49.6	49.2	54.0	35.6	41.0	64.9	34.4
	Finance/Insurance	0.7	0.4	0.7	0.4	0.7	0.2	0.0	0.0
	Services	23.2	26.2	20.0	24.4	36.7	29.0	16.2	36.7
	Public Administration	3.1	7.2	3.2	6.6	1.4	6.8	10.8	17.8
	All Others	6.3	2.8	5.4	1.5	9.7	6.3	5.4	2.2

Employed Males 16+ Years		994	1,031	769	665	206	313	19	53
	Agriculture	17.2	11.2	20.5	13.4	6.3	7.0	0.0	7.5
	Mining	0.0	0.1	0.0	0.0	0.0	0.3	0.0	0.0
	Construction	1.4	3.2	1.6	2.1	1.0	5.4	0.0	3.8
	Manufacturing	3.0	0.5	2.9	0.6	3.9	0.3	0.0	0.0
	Transportation/Communication	3.7	4.4	3.3	3.6	5.3	6.4	5.3	1.9
	Wholesale Trade	0.3	0.1	0.0	0.2	1.5	0.0	0.0	0.0
	Retail Trade	42.1	42.2	42.5	45.0	38.3	38.7	63.2	28.3
	Finance/Insurance	0.6	0.1	0.5	0.0	1.0	0.3	0.0	0.0
	Services	23.0	27.9	20.3	26.0	34.5	30.4	10.5	37.7
	Public Administration	3.4	7.2	3.8	7.5	1.5	4.5	10.5	18.9
	All Others	5.2	3.2	4.7	1.7	6.8	6.7	10.5	1.9

Employed Females 16+ Years		407	639	317	488	72	114	18	37
	Agriculture	1.5	2.0	1.3	1.8	2.8	3.5	0.0	0.0
	Mining	0.0	0.0	0.0	0.0	0.0	0.0	0.0	0.0
	Construction	0.2	0.2	0.3	0.0	0.0	0.9	0.0	0.0
	Manufacturing	1.0	0.2	0.9	0.2	1.4	0.0	0.0	0.0
	Transportation/Communication	2.9	2.2	2.5	1.6	5.6	4.4	0.0	2.7
	Wholesale Trade	0.0	0.2	0.0	0.2	0.0	0.0	0.0	0.0
	Retail Trade	58.7	61.7	65.3	66.4	27.8	47.4	66.7	43.2
	Finance/Insurance	1.0	0.8	1.3	1.0	0.0	0.0	0.0	0.0
	Services	23.6	23.5	19.2	22.1	43.1	25.4	22.2	35.1
	Public Administration	2.2	7.4	1.9	5.3	1.4	13.2	11.1	16.2
	All Others	8.8	2.0	7.3	1.2	18.1	5.3	0.0	2.7
Source: Censuses of Micronesian Migrants to Hawaii, Guam and CNMI.

As noted in the occupation section, Hezel and Solomon found increasing diversity in types of industries Micronesians worked in while in their new homes on the mainland: “Like many of the other Micronesians in Corsicana [Texas], she works at the National Envelope factory, which together with a Lay chips factory and a Stover’s candy factory provide jobs for the vast majority of the islanders in the area” (2006:11). La-Z-Boy and Twin Rivers Chicken provide similar employment in southwestern Missouri, mushroom plantations in northwest Oklahoma, and, of course, Tyson’s Chicken, the place of first US Mainland contact for many Marshallese (see Chapter 16). And, some have small retail stores catering specifically to Micronesian migrants: “Kernel owns a retail store that is a gathering place for Micronesians from dozens of miles around since he stocks his store with the type of down-home items that are so difficult to find in the US: the large plastic combs that women wear in their hair, zoris, dawasi and brushes for showers, and island-style skirts with embroidered hems (Hezel and Solomon 2006:15).

6.8 Income and Poverty

Table 3.8. Pre- and Post-Compact Migrants to Hawaii: 1997 and 2003
	1997				2003
Group	Total	FSM	RMI	Palau	Total	FSM	RMI	Palau
Total	6,744	3,786	2,472	486	8,357	5,091	2,931	334
Post-Compact migrants and children	81.7	87.5	83.7	26.1	87.3	88.3	88.6	61.7
Pre-Compact migrants	9.0	6.1	7.5	39.7	4.9	5.1	3.0	18.0
Other persons in the households	9.3	6.4	8.8	34.2	7.8	6.6	8.4	20.4
Source: Censuses of Micronesian Migrants to Hawaii, Guam and CNMI.

Table 3.9. Pre- and Post-Compact Migrants to Guam: 1997 and 2003.
	1997				2003
Group	Total	FSM	RMI	Palau	Total	FSM	RMI	Palau
Total	8,338	6,949	132	1,257	10,963	9,098	215	1,432
Post-Compact migrants and children	6,550	6,325	123	102	9,831	8,709	208	914
Pre-Compact migrants	730	270	2	458	599	305	7	287
Other persons in the households	1,058	354	7	697	533	84	0	231
Source: Censuses of Micronesian Migrants to Hawaii, Guam and CNMI.

Table 3.10. Pre- and Post-Compact Migrants to Guam: 1997 and 2003.
	1997				2003
Group	Total	FSM	RMI	Palau	Total	FSM	RMI	Palau
Total	8,338	6,949	132	1,257	10,963	9,098	215	1,432
Post-Compact migrants and children	78.6	91.0	93.2	8.1	89.7	95.7	96.7	63.8
Pre-Compact migrants	8.8	3.9	1.5	36.4	5.5	3.4	3.3	20.0
Other persons in the households	12.7	5.1	5.3	55.4	4.9	0.9	0.0	16.1
Source: Censuses of Micronesian Migrants to Hawaii, Guam and CNMI.

THE STATUS OF MICRONESIAN MIGRANTS IN THE EARLY 21ST CENTURY

THE STATUS OF MICRONESIAN MIGRANTS

IN THE EARLY 21st CENTURY

THE STATUS OF MICRONESIAN MIGRANTS IN THE EARLY 21^ST CENTURY

IN THE EARLY 21^st CENTURY